Andrew Wilkie (Clark, Independent) Share this | Hansard source

Many welcomed the British government's decision to suspend 30 arms export licences to Israel, coming as it did after a review finding a clear risk that the arms could be used by Israel in serious violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza. In doing so, Britain joined Italy, Spain, Canada, Belgium and the Netherlands in restricting arms sales to Israel. But it's no wonder many are left asking what the Australian government is doing in regard to Australia's arms trade with Israel, because it's clear we are witnessing one of the most appalling humanitarian catastrophes of our lifetime.

While I of course acknowledge the horror of 7 October and the right of all nations to self-defence, we can't deny what's before us now, and that is that Israel remains engaged in an international and systemic military campaign against the people of Palestine, an action which both the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice are investigating as a likely breach of international laws that constitutes genocide.

Of course, the government's answer to questions about the weapons trade is that Australia has not provided weapons to Israel in five years. While this may be technically correct, it is a bit of a fudge. There are currently multiple active military export permits in place, including for goods or parts already in use by the ADF being sent to Israel for repair and return, as well as the export of dual-use goods and weapons parts and components.

Many have no doubt also heard that Australia is a manufacturer for a key component in the F-35 jets which, due to the global nature of the supply chain, does end up in Israeli jets. I understand that global supply chains complicate the picture, and I understand that renegotiating or abandoning long-established contracts could be disruptive and costly. For instance, respecifying components for the Redback vehicle, currently in production for the Army, would no doubt delay and blow out the cost of that project. Moreover, the practical and legal implications of withdrawing from the global supply chain would jeopardise our own F-35 capability. But that doesn't mean the government shouldn't try to extricate Australia as far as possible. The very least the Australian government should do is set a clear marker that, from this point on, Australia will engage no further in trading arms, components or other materiel support with the Israel Defense Forces until we can be sure they would not be used to commit a genocide. To do anything less is to fail our legal and moral responsibility to Palestinians and to the international community.

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