Michael McCormack (Riverina, National Party, Shadow Minister for International Development and the Pacific) Share this | Hansard source

I echo the fine words by the member for Sturt, who, as he explained, is very much across these issues and the importance generally of trade. I'm glad that we also have in the chamber, as I rise to speak on the Customs Tariff Amendment (Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership Expansion) Bill 2024, the member for Hinkler, who was the assistant trade minister between 19 July 2016 and 20 December 2017, following on from the former member for Moncrieff, Steven Ciobo. In his time he worked hard on negotiations for ACCEP and he was involved heavily in what was a year of tourism with China, our largest trading partner. He did a lot of negotiation in the Pacific, such as in Tonga and elsewhere, and I commend him for the work he did in that trade role. Of course, we had the former member for Cowper, Luke Hartsuyker, follow on in that role, along with the current member for Parkes as an assistant trade minister. I also want to acknowledge the efforts, whilst we were in coalition government between 2013 and 2022, of former member for Goldstein Andrew Robb. I've mentioned the former member for Moncrieff, Steven Ciobo, and I also want to mention Senator Simon Birmingham and the current member for Wannon in particular.

Trade is important. When we concluded our terms in office, 71.3 per cent of trade and exports were covered by free trade agreements. When we took office in 2013, that number was around a quarter, 25 per cent. When we left office, it was nearly three-quarters. What does that mean? If you believe in the concept that around one in five jobs in Australia are dependent on trade—it's probably more likely one in four—it underpins the Australian economy. I know the Treasurer, the member for Rankin, in his budget last year couldn't bring himself to talk about coal and iron ore and those wonderful mining exports. He just talked about 'the things we sell overseas', but it's critical that we acknowledge that what those exports have done is to help us to reach a budget surplus twice. The high price that is being paid globally for iron ore and coal, in particular, has helped us reach budget surplus twice. It has very little to do with the member for Rankin and Labor's policies but a lot to do with what we do in regional areas.

I note that today the former British Prime Minister—albeit briefly—Liz Truss was on the floor of the parliament, and I certainly went over and welcomed her. I actually felt sorry for her. While she was Prime Minister, I think she got the raw end of the pineapple, which is very much an Australian colloquialism. She came in at a difficult time and received no help from some of her colleagues. She worked with the then trade minister, the member for Wannon, Dan Tehan, to work through trade relations with Australia before she took over the high office at No. 10 Downing Street.

It's important to note that while in office we undertook 1,230 major transport projects which supported 100,000 jobs—100,000 jobs which were also underpinned largely by trade. If you have the right infrastructure, like road networks, rail support systems and seaports—and obviously we invested heavily in airports as well—you can boost trade. Any self-respecting member, and certainly every regional member, knows that only too well, because it's regional areas which before, during and after COVID—not that we're out of the woods yet by any means—have supported our trade, our balance of payments, and this is what this bill is about.

When you think about the more than 1,200 mobile black spot base stations funded by the former coalition government, these are also critical for trade. The reason they're critical for trade is that, particularly with the deregulation of the wheat industry, so many of our farmers are now reliant on making their own trade deals and their own market deals, so they need good mobile phone coverage, and they've got it. We're certainly working on improving access for our farmers to markets all around the world.

The opposition is supportive of this particular legislation. We understand that this involves a plurilateral free trade arrangement between Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru, New Zealand, Singapore and Vietnam. The agreement was signed on 8 March 2018, back when we were in government, and entered into force for Australia on 30 December 2018.

Our relations in the Pacific and our wider trade agreements have never been more critical than right now. As coalition members, as members who understand trade, as members who fostered trade, as members who want to see more trade with more partners, we appreciate this agreement is one of the world's most comprehensive and ambitious trade agreements. It eliminates all but two per cent of tariffs in the trade zone, which represents a combined GDP of US$14.6 trillion and a population of 580 million people. That is a lot of people.

We are absolutely delighted with the accession of the United Kingdom to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the CPTPP. The UK, as the member for Sturt outlined, has long been, has always been, a great trading nation. It started back in the late 1700s. With the rules based multilateral trade system obviously having a big say on this, the UK possesses a strong track record of compliance with trade commitments that all CPTPP members must have in place. The UK is the first non-original member and European country to join the CPTPP and is now set to become the 12th member, and we welcome that.

Australia once traded on the back of our sheep, our wool, our sheepmeat. We very much were largely riding on our luck; our fortune rode on the back of a sheep. That is not the case anymore; although our sheep farmers are very important to us, and, certainly as the member for Riverina, I know that full well. While I talk about sheep, I am disappointed about the ban of the live sheep export trade because I think that it sends a very bad message to the Gulf states, to the Middle East, about trade. It does. The phasing out of that trade up to 2028 is a bad move and it will be reversed when next we get into government, and hopefully that will be if not later this year—a certain feeling in the air today—then maybe next year. I hear the little laugh from the member for Hasluck there. You can sense there's something in the offing. I think Labor are clearing the decks, and hopefully the voters will clear the decks at the next election.

But as I say, the UK's addition builds on the foundations of the Australia-United Kingdom Free Trade Agreement, which entered into force on 31 May 2023. I want to pay special tribute to the member for Wannon for the negotiations that he did with Ms Truss and others to bring about stronger trade relations with the UK. When I say 'stronger', they've always been strong, but he enhanced them. He further developed them.

This arrangement that this bill helps us to enter into and that puts Australia's seal on it will enhance the UK's engagement in the Indo Pacific in support of shared prosperity, security and regional stability. The transpacific area is very volatile at the moment. It is very important that we get the geopolitical balance right, and we are. When we talk about the Pacific, I would like to think Australia speaks as one. I have been to Pacific areas with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator Wong, with the Minister for International Development and the Pacific, and certainly with Senator Birmingham to ensure that the Pacific Islands know, as the Prime Minister has put many times, that we are their first nation of choice, that we are their preferred partner. I don't agree with everything the Prime Minister utters, but I do agree with him very much on that score.

The UK is a welcome addition to a network of countries committed to free and rules based trade. That phrase, 'free and rules based trade', in itself is very important, because not everybody always plays by the rules. I know we have the World Trade Organization, which is very much there as the referee or umpire, but Australia always plays by the rules. As the member for Sturt said and as the member for Hinkler knows, we produce the finest quality food and fibre, and we do expect to be treated, when we sell our wares overseas, in a free and rules based order. When we aren't, we will complain and take action, because Australia deserves no less.

As I say, we, the Liberals and Nationals, have a very proud track record of backing Australian farmers, businesses and Australian miners to be able to sell to the world, because we've always been a trading nation. We have been in the past, we are now and we will certainly be that in the future, irrespective of whatever policies are put in place by those opposite to potentially shut down a lot of our mining interests. We as a government had an ambitious trade agenda. Of Australia's 16 free trade agreements in place at the moment, 13, all but three, entered into force under coalition governments. That was due to the hard work of the member for Hinkler, who is behind me, and those others I mentioned. As I said, one in five Australian jobs is trade related. I'd almost say it's higher. On average, exporting businesses employ more staff, pay higher wages and achieve higher productivity than those which are just domestic suppliers and non-exporters.

Between 2013 and 2022, the coalition government finalised 11 trade agreements, including the FTA with the UK and the economic cooperation and trade agreement with India, and they weren't easy to do. You would think that the UK one would almost be a tick and flick, but indeed the Australia deal, when it was finalised, was described as one of Ms Truss's aides as the hardest thing she had ever got through. That's according to Wikipedia—and, of course, Wikipedia's always right! But it would be accurate on that score. I know, having spoken to the member for Wannon, that it wasn't easy or straightforward, but it was achieved, and it was achieved because of the good work of the coalition and because the world knows that we produce the best food and fibre anywhere. We implemented nine trade agreements in government, lifting the share of trade covered by such agreements from about a quarter—the figure was 27 per cent in 2013—to more than 70 per cent. When you take into account the India and UK FTAs, that takes it above 80 per cent, so we had a good track record. I'm very supportive of whatever Labor can do to build on that. Indeed, that is why this bill is important. It's important as a representation to our farmers that the government supports them. On many issues, unfortunately, the government have shown by their policies that they don't.

Debate adjourned.

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