Chris Hayes (Fowler, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Today I rise to speak about an issue which is of great concern—that is, the persecution of the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq, which has escalated since the invasion of Iraq by the coalition of the willing in 2003. Without wishing to be political about this, the point should be made at the outset that, regardless of the policy of participation in the coalition of the willing, Australia was part of the coalition and what goes with that, I believe, is responsibility. This is an issue that I have raised on a number of occasions in this chamber and also in correspondence with the minister for immigration. Unfortunately, however, this is an issue which is often sidelined in debate about Iraq and the ongoing security concerns in the region. My position is unequivocal. As a member of the coalition of the willing, Australia has a responsibility to pursue this issue and to do all it can as a good global citizen to raise awareness of the issue, in the first instance, and, more importantly, to ensure that the democratically elected government of Iraq protect all its citizens regardless of race and religion.

Regardless of one's opinion about the invasion, there is no doubt that persecution of minorities in Iraq requires compassion and a proactive response. I strongly believe those countries that participated in the 2003 coalition of the willing that invaded Iraq have a moral responsibility imperative, and that is what I want to focus on in this debate. Despite the Australian government's motives to help restore democracy in Iraq and to seize evidence of weapons of mass destruction, and despite the contest that may have been associated with that, the fact is that Australia did participate in that invasion. As a consequence, we have unleashed certain forces that hitherto were not fully understood before 2003.

There are a number of credible reports that members of ethnic and religious minorities in Iraq are subject to continuous persecution, often to the point of death, within their own country. These include various Christian groups, the indigenous Assyrians, Mandaeans—the followers of John the Baptist—Chaldean Catholics, Syriacs and the other Aramaic speakers who have all called the geographic area known as Iraq home for the last 2,000 years. They all have a unique history within Iraq but, at the moment, they are all disproportionately represented amongst those who have fled Iraq since 2003. They are also disproportionately represented in the refugee numbers in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and Egypt. We see the numbers are truly astounding when we look at the figures associated with those who have fled Iraq due to persecution. The US State Department says that prior to 2003 Christian leaders estimated that there were somewhere between 800,000 and 1.4 million Christians across the various indigenous Assyrian groups, such as the Chaldeans, Syriacs and Armenians. Currently, according to the American State Department, the number is somewhere around 400,000. If you look at the Sabaen-Mandaean community—the community that follows the teaching of John the Baptist—you see the number is even more stark, with the current community numbering around 3,500—down from 60,000 in 2003.

It is clear that there is real persecution and a real ongoing fear of persecution for those minority groups in Iraq. It is not limited to religion or is it a black-and-white case of something that has been experienced by any particular groups. It transcends religion and includes groups such as, as I say, the indigenous Assyrians, whose rights must be protected in any resolution of contemporary Iraq.

While the Iraqi constitution protects freedom of association and freedom of religion, there is one hell of a gap between those statute rights and the real situation on the ground with these minorities being persecuted and those responsible for the persecution not being held to account. The reports, such as those released by the UNHCR, the Assyrian International News Agency, Amnesty International and the Minority Rights Group International, all point the finger that this persecution is happening and, quite frankly, that not enough resources have been committed to addressing these concerns.

The Catholic Church, for instance, has estimated that this issue has seen over one million Christians flee Iraq since 2003. A secondary issue to all of that in this debate is the plight of refugees and the role that we in Australia have in assisting those persecuted to come to this country to make a new start. As I said at the outset, having participated in the coalition of the willing, for whatever reason, what goes with that participation is responsibility.

There are many people in my electorate of Fowler who come from these persecuted minorities and, as all participating in the debate probably know as well, they know what a first-rate contribution they have made as citizens of this country. They have embraced Australia as their new home and I have greatly enjoyed getting to know them and their communities better. On their behalf, I have written previously—as the member for Werriwa and now the member for Fowler—to the then Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, Senator Chris Evans, and to the current minister. I believe we must do more to assist those who are fleeing persecution in Iraq. This is our moral responsibility and, while so far very few visas have been granted to refugees fleeing persecution and currently sheltering in Syria, Jordan, Turkey, Egypt and other places, it is my strong hope that this will change as we do more in this space.

As I mentioned previously, I have forged a strong relationship with community leaders and I thank them for their continuous support and advocacy for their communities. In particular, I thank Mar Meelis Zaia, the Archbishop of the Assyrian Church of the East of the diocese of Australia, New Zealand and Lebanon, for his continuous advocacy and leadership on this issue. I would also like to thank and commend the work of Hermiz Shahen of the Assyrian Universal Alliance and Mr Amad Mtashar, who represents a significant proportion of the Mandaean population, which is also represented by me and the member for Werriwa.

In the limited time I have left, I would also like to draw attention to the provinces of northern Iraq, in the area of Kurdistan. Many indigenous Assyrians and Christian minority groups have sought sanctuary in those provinces. It is one thing to have a degree of sanctuary shown to them there, but without resources such as schools, hospitals and also the opportunity of having a future, it is one step away from the persecution from which they fled in other areas of Iraq. If we are going to be serious about a refugee or a visa solution to all of the issues here, we do need to make a renewed commitment with financial as well as other resources to Iraq with a view to reducing this persecution and doing something just for the people of Iraq. (Time expired)

Philip Ruddock (Berowra, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Can I thank the member for Fowler for raising the matter of religious minorities in Iraq. I have over a long period of time associated myself with Sabean Mandaeans, Assyrians, Chaldeans and the Aramaic speakers generally, not because they are in my electorate but because they do have a very significant place in our community in Sydney. I had the opportunity of visiting many refugees in Jordan and Syria and I had the great privilege of being able to provide places within our refugee and special humanitarian program for people in need of resettlement in Australia who had fled Iraq.

Let me just make a couple of points about this debate, because I do not think it should be taken out of context. In my discussions with people in the region, particularly from the Middle East Council of Churches, I found a very real awareness of the plight that Christians have been suffering. But the council also made the point very strongly that we would not want to preside over essentially Christians being driven out of the Middle East generally. This has very real repercussions not just for Iraq but also for Syria, where many of the Eastern churches have their patriarchs and where some of these issues are arising now. The same issues arise in Egypt, where 10 per cent of the population, almost 10 million as I understand it, are Egyptian Coptic Christians. And so it is important, I think, to see these matters in the broader perspective. This is not about seeing Christians driven from the Middle East; it is about accommodating those who have had need to flee.

It is also important to understand that this is not a new issue. Christians were fleeing Saddam Hussein. Many of the people I met were people who had fled long before 2003. I do not wish to make an issue of it, but to suggest that our part in dealing with this issue is predicated only on having been part of the 'coalition of the willing' that got rid of Saddam Hussein would, I think, be hanging it on the wrong peg. Equally I would make the point that many of us who were involved in some of the decision making had a much wider perspective than just issues of weapons of mass destruction being potentially harboured by Saddam Hussein. I have to say from my own point of view, as one who participated in some of those decisions at an earlier point in time, it was the horrific gassing of his own population that had a far greater impact upon me. It was his lack of humanity for his own population that was a very real and substantial concern. But I do not make a debate about that. I simply want to be associated with a resolution that makes it clear that for more than 2,000 years religious groups have called Iraq their home, and they are fine people who are entitled to be able to exercise their choice to practise their religion as they see fit. Such provision is made in the Iraqi Constitution today but the concern as you go through and look at events that have occurred even in 2009 and 2010 is that many attacks do occur. I have got a schedule of incidents of violence that have been perpetrated against Christians, against Sabean Mandaeans, where people have been bombed, where they have been killed. Obviously it is those acts of terrorism, which may not be directed against them because of their religion but are directed against them, certainly not by the state, that can often bring people to a point where they flee.

I think it is very important to know that the Assyrians and the Chaldeans and the Syriac people are descendants of the ancient Assyrian nation that occupied much of modern-day Iraq. They trace their roots back to more than history as we understand it. I think we have been enriched by having those people settle in Australia and able to talk with us about so much of their history and the importance of it. The Sabean Mandaeans I find particularly interesting. We all know of John the Baptist but we do not realise often that there are specific people who identify around him and who claim descent from his teachings. They are monotheistic, they are identified with the Sabean religion and are believed to have developed out of the mainstream Sabean religious community. The Mandaeans have applied the term Sabean Mandaean to themselves and they have become known by Muslims under this term. There are estimates that something of the order of 60,000 and 70,000 Sabean Mandaeans are around the world and still adherents to that religion. So I think it is very appropriate that today we have an opportunity to note the importance of these religions, to note that Australia can play a part where people have been subjected to horrendous acts of persecution. We know that they have been bombed, we know they have been murdered and we know that there is extortion.

Relevant to the numbers of people involved, I heard the honourable member speak of that and I noted that the Americans, because there are no census data available, have suggested that prior to the 2003 period Christians estimated their numbers of followers to be between 800,000 and 1.4 million. Currently they suggest it ranges between 400,000 and 600,000. These are very significant numbers. They may not be necessarily the one million that the member refers to I think in his motion or in his own discussion of this issue, but nevertheless they are very significant indeed. It is the case that it is highly unlikely that all of those people are going to be able to be resettled. Many of them have fled into other parts of the Middle East. While I would like to see them comprising a very significant proportion of our continuing resettlement program, I have to say that the special humanitarian program which many identify with and want to sponsor their own relatives is under enormous stress because of the unauthorised boat arrivals, and that is leading to many people being extremely disappointed that there are not places for them within the special humanitarian program. I think this reinforces the view that I hold very strongly that managing our borders is of particular importance because it enables us to focus on those people who need help most and to do so in an objective way. It is the case that many Christians, many Sabean Mandaeans, are sheltering in Syria, in Jordan and in other parts of the Middle East and they believe they cannot safely return home. I think it is important that Australia continues to play a role in ensuring that resettlement options are available for them. As I mentioned in the initial stage of my remarks, it was a great privilege to have an opportunity to see the circumstances in which many of these people were living in Damascus and in Amman. It was a great privilege to be able to play a part in ensuring that many were resettled here in Australia under our refugee and humanitarian program.

As has been noted by the member for Fowler, those who have come and made Australia their home have made a very significant contribution to this nation and will continue to do so positively. I think we are enriched when we are able to focus on our own religion and to understand its many roots and the different elements of our heritage—whether it be Catholic, orthodox or even Protestant—in places like Iraq and Syria. I commend the member for raising the matter and I hope Australia can continue to play a positive role in dealing with the problems that religious minorities are facing, not only in Iraq but in the Middle East generally.

Laurie Ferguson (Werriwa, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I am pleased to join the two previous speakers, who have long-term credibility in association with Middle Eastern Christians and their causes. There is one group who are not included in the motion because they have no constituents in this country to advocate for them. They are quite small. They are the Yazidis, who are misdescribed often as devil worshippers. In the last two years, they have suffered a particularly horrific attack, when Islamic fundamentalists sent a truckload of explosives into one of their small villages and murdered hundreds of people.

I do not want to enter into the debate between the two previous speakers about the connection between the Western intervention in Iraq and the persecution of Christians; I do, however, note that the former Bishop of Parramatta, Kevin Manning, in his strenuous opposition to the war, placed a very heavy emphasis on what he predicted to be its outcome for Christians. That was because of his close association with the Catholic Bishop of Baghdad. There were very early predictions that, because of the association of Christianity with the Western world, there would be very counterproductive outcomes for them. That is not to say by itself the intervention was right or wrong, but it is certainly a factor in what has occurred.

There is no doubt that we have witnessed a significant long-term assault on the Christian minority in Iraq. It has been characterised by the kidnapping of bishops and at least 12 priests and by car bomb attacks on churches. In November of last year there was a physical siege of a major church, leading to the murder of 52 people. I noticed a report by Serena Chaudhry in Reuters in the last month or so, during Easter, which talked about a person, Raad, who had lost 30 personal friends in that murder of 52 people.

I agree with the member for Berowra on one point—that it would be an unfortunate outcome if we spent all of our energy on facilitating the departure of Christians from the Middle East. Obviously the genesis of Christianity is in that region, there are many historical ties to the Middle East and there are various important religious centres there. I read a book in the last year or so about the experience of a Baghdad Jewish family who had an internal debate in their family about whether they should go to Israel in the early years of its establishment and the way in which various Zionist organisations paid Jews to leave Baghdad at that stage to build up Israel. It was a heart-wrenching decision for members of that family. Some of them stayed in Baghdad because of thousands of years of connection with the city and only left later when persecution occurred and they became the victims of internal political struggles in Iraq, whereas others left earlier.

I do not think the aim should be that we put everyone on planes and send them to America and Australia, but there is no doubt that significant numbers of Christians have fled the region and should become a major consideration of countries with regard to their refugee intake. There is quite a bit of debate about the figures. Austen Ivereigh, in October 2010, talked about there only being 800,000 Christians in the early 1990s. Other figures are in the area of 1.15 million, going down to 850,000 in recent years. The member for Fowler has cited other figures from the US Department of State. But what is very fundamental is that a very large number—of the order of hundreds of thousands—of Christians are fleeing to Jordan and Syria in particular.

I want to say in passing that another threat they face is right on the horizon today and that is the question of what occurs in Syria. No-one would defend the Assad regime; no-one would stand by its attack on Homs in the 1990s or the current shooting down of demonstrators. But in this week's New York Review of Books, Melise Ruthven makes this point:

While its massacre in Hama was horrendous and it has an abysmal record on human rights, engaging in torture and severe political repression, it—

that is, the Syrian government—

had a good, even excellent one when it came to protecting the pluralism of the religious culture that is one of Syria's most enduring and attractive qualities. Some of these virtues are captured in Brooke Allen's engaging account of her travels in Syria, The Other Side of the Mirror, where she meets ordinary people from different backgrounds and rejoices in the natural friendliness of Syria's people and the extraordinary richness of its past. Instead of the Soviet-style grayness she expected to find from accounts in the US media, she discovers a sophisticated cosmopolitan society where life is being lived in many different styles and varieties.

The author of the book review goes on to say:

Visiting several mosques, churches, and shrines, she provides impressive testimony of the country's religious diversity and the regime's commitment to religious freedom. It would be tragic if the pursuit of democracy led to the shredding of this bright human canopy, where religious and cultural differences seem to have flourished under the iron grip of a minority sectarian regime.

The reality is that we might not have much time for the Assad regime—we know that it is Alawite self-interest which preserves this pluralism—but one of the realities that Christians in the Middle East understand is that, whatever we say about their lack of democracy and the suppression of human rights, we have a serious problem now with what is going to happen to Christians in Syria, including the significant number of Iraqi Christians who have fled there. I had a discussion with former Minister for Foreign Affairs Downer recently and he was making the same point. As I say, it is a very complex picture.

I would hope that many Muslims would join Shaikh Shuja, the Chairman of the British Muslim Council, who, in the attacks of November last year stated:

For more than 1,000 years Christians, Jews and Muslims have lived in peace and harmony as good neighbours, and we have no doubt that they will continue to do so. The present suffering of Christians is a part of the tragic political situation suffered by all the people of Iraq. The Christians in Iraq are a part of Iraq. The majority of the Christians are not likely to leave Iraq and, if they do so, those who are left there are likely to be more vulnerable …

It is important that the Muslims in Iraq and the world over should come forward to express their condemnation of persecution of the Christian minority and to give whatever spiritual, material and practical help they can.

This important statement by, as I say, British Muslims shows that they appreciate just how dire have been the circumstances of Christians in recent years. This is, as the member for Fowler has indicated, a matter of great significance to significant numbers of Christians who have entered Australia and who tend to reside in the member for Fowler's electorate, my electorate and other parts of the Liverpool region.

They have been assiduous in lobbying members of parliament to make sure that there is an understanding of the continuing plight their people suffer in the region and to make sure that, when we consider the size of our refugee intake and where we take people from, this continues to be a significant factor. As both members have indicated, they have proven to be a very good group of citizens. They are highly concentrated in areas such as jewellery and IT. They are essentially—more, perhaps, in the case of the Mandaeans than the other groups—very Western oriented. If you went to their events, you would see the way in which they have integrated very fully, not only to the employment opportunities in this country but to the actual culture. One of the things that particularly impresses me about the Mandaeans, amongst all the other groups, is that they have been outward going. They have made sure that they have associated themselves with Australian NGOs and with community groups outside their own community. They have not been insular; they have not been separate—they have sought to come into the mainstream of this nation.

As I say, I fully associate myself with the two previous speakers in raising an important matter. In a world that has many similar human rights issues where large numbers of people flee from persecution, it is important, given Australian involvement. We are not saying for one moment that it is necessarily the be-all of association. It is a complex situation. There are Islamist fundamentalists, Salafis, who would have murdered Christians at the drop of a hat. It did not necessarily require Western intervention. But we did have it, it is an ingredient, and we should make sure that we continue to focus on this area, to press government and to press departments to make sure that this group remains in our minds with regard to the refugee humanitarian intake.

Luke Simpkins (Cowan, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

When I became aware of this motion this morning, I chose to take up the opportunity to speak, not because there were a great number or because I have been contacted by members of these persecuted groups but because I have often spoken in this place of the need for religious freedom in the world. Particularly in the region of the Middle East, we see that there are problems. In Iran, we see the problems for the Baha'is. In Egypt, we see the problem for the Copts. For those reasons I am particularly keen to speak on this motion and reiterate the messages of previous speakers.

When we look at what is happening in the Middle East now, we can see that there are times of great hope ahead. With what happened in Egypt, to a degree, and what has happened in Libya, the mood is for change and the mood is for democracy. We should be very encouraged by that. Unfortunately, things have not worked out quite the way that a lot of these religious groups had hoped they would. I know that for the Coptic people in my electorate of Cowan the hopes they had for Egypt are unravelling fast.

Indeed, when we look at Iraq, the hopes of religious minorities in that country also have not been fulfilled. What we want for Iraq is a strong democracy, pluralism and opportunities for all forms of religion to have the freedom that they desire so that their followers can live in peace and can raise their children in peace and adherence to their faith. But that is not the case. It has always been difficult in the last thousand years or so for Christians in the Middle East, and it certainly does not appear to be becoming any easier in Iraq.

We see that there are certain groups, whether they are al-Qaeda or other extremist Islamic groups, which tend to look at minorities as an opportunity to blame, to persecute, to further their political considerations and to further their political case for power. When you look at Iraq, at the need for constitutional change and the need for the democracy to really strengthen and lock in the rights of religious minorities, there is still a distance to go with regard to these matters. There are laws, of course, that say you have freedom to practise your religion, but unfortunately there is also a lack of will on many occasions. Crimes go on against these groups—churches are blown up; people are attacked with bombs or are shot—and the state of investigation is highly disappointing. It is a major problem in places like Iraq and it is a major problem in the region. But it is not right for us to immediately opt for the safe haven. As has been said by people who have some of these particular groups within their electorate, they have come to Australia and have flourished, and long may it be the case that we have the opportunities for people to come here and carry on practising their religious freedom.

We should be looking at some of these countries to try to work with them to strengthen their democracy and help them to move towards a time when not only can they have a constitution that guarantees religious freedom but also there is a willingness and a determination by all agencies of government—defence and police—to comply with the needs of minorities. That is what we should be working towards and what we must do. I agree that all of the groups mentioned have added great value. They have integrated well into our society and enjoy the freedom that we have. Within the constraints of the humanitarian program we should be looking for further opportunities whereby such people can be given the chance to come to Australia and flourish. Admittedly, the humanitarian program is under some stress at the moment, and I do not wish to go there in this debate, but I think that when there are further opportunities to reconfigure the humanitarian program we should look to make contact post 2003 and allow these groups of people into the country.

There is a fair bit in the motion about what has changed in Iraq since 2003. It is clear that a lot of work needed to be done post 2003. I have already alluded to and spoken about some of that. At the same time, no-one could ever say that Saddam Hussein was any form of positive influence on religious freedom or the freedom of minority groups. Irrespective of why the second war in Iraq took place, we should have the confidence to say that the removal of Saddam Hussein was overwhelmingly positive for Iraq. There will always be challenges, because into the environment that followed his removal and the fall of his regime, came those who sought to take political advantage. The long enmity that has existed between Iran and Iraq and the influence of al-Qaeda and those who are against some of the religious elements within Iraq have created opportunities post Saddam Hussein for havoc, death and destruction.

There is hope for the future in Iraq. We should focus on trying to work with that country to encourage it and the instrumentalities of its government to make the most of the new democracy—the new period—and be very determined to develop the right laws and implement those laws to ensure that minority groups are protected.

I conclude by saying that I support the inclusion of Christians within the humanitarian program, particularly those from Iraq who are a good and positive influence—the Medes and the Chaldeans. I also support the words of the motion that more needs to be done in Iraq. I also pray for the Christians who have long been persecuted not only in Iraq but within this whole region, and I include here my good friends from the Coptic Orthodox Church who have been so badly persecuted in Egypt.

John Murphy (Reid, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Order! The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.