Craig Kelly (Hughes, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I am pleased to rise to speak on the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill 2016. Before I get into the exact detail of the bill, I think it is important to have a look at where nuclear power stands in the world today. The best place to get the details from is the most recent report from the International Energy Agency, their 2016 update, which was only released less than a week ago. It puts the total for nuclear power, in million tonnes equivalent, at 662 million tonnes equivalent of energy. That is out of a total energy consumption in the world at the moment of about 13,600 million tonnes equivalent of energy. So 6.7 per cent of the world's energy supply at the moment comes from nuclear power. In comparison, solar power, solar PV, is not one per cent; it is actually 0.1 per cent, one-tenth of one per cent, of the world's energy supplies. Wind is 0.45 per cent. So, combined, the world is currently getting 10 times more power from nuclear than it is from wind and solar combined.

It is also interesting to look at the projections of the International Energy Agency under what they call their new policies, which take in all the Paris climate change agreement pledges. In short, going out to 2040, the world is going to need a lot more energy. Between now and 2040, the world is going to need another 4,000 million tonnes equivalent of energy every single year. That is an enormous increase from where we are, at about 13,800 million tonnes at the moment. Of that 4,000 million tonnes oil equivalent that we will need, about 1,000 of the 4,000 will come from extra supply in India.

As we go forward, we have to wonder where that extra energy will come from. According to the IEA's predictions, wind and solar combined to 2040 will provide an extra 432 million tonnes of oil equivalent. But nuclear will provide an additional 519 million tonnes of oil equivalent. So out to 2040, even though the world is promising to invest trillions of dollars in solar and wind, to meet the increase in the electricity or the power that we will need, more will be supplied through nuclear than through solar and wind combined. Fossil fuels will also increase by over 2,000 million tonnes of oil equivalent. The world has a great challenge ahead of it in getting this extra energy that will be needed. Nuclear has to play a significant part, and it will supply an extra 519 million tonnes of oil equivalent.

In considering what energy mix we need going forward, it is also interesting to look at a recent report by UNICEF titled Clear the air for children: the impact of air pollution on children. The takeaway message from that report is how important it is that we provide parts of the impoverished world with low-cost energy. Where countries do not have low-cost energy, they often have to resort to burning wood, twigs, animal dung and agricultural waste to power their homes, to cook with and to heat their homes. To put the problems caused by this into context, using the World Health Organization figures UNICEF estimate that outdoor air pollution results in 4.3 million deaths annually but indoor air pollution—those who do not have access to low-cost electricity—results in 3.7 million deaths a year. Combine the deaths from both indoor and outdoor air pollution and we are talking about eight million premature deaths in a year; over a decade, we are talking about 80 million deaths from air pollution. To put that into some context, the First World War and the Second World War combined went for a decade and during that time it is estimated that around 77 million people died. But over the next decade, we are looking at more deaths from air pollution than those killed in both the First World War and the Second World War.

Yes, it is both indoor and outdoor air pollution that we should concentrate on, but it is indoor air pollution that has the greatest adverse affect on children under five. That UNICEF report estimates that in 2012, 127,000 children under the age of five died from outdoor air pollution. Even though that number of deaths of kids under five is a terrible and tragic figure, the UNICEF report estimates that 531,000 children died from indoor air pollution in one single year. This is the consequence of over one billion kids growing up in homes where they do not have access to low-cost electricity. In those IEA figures, the greatest irony is that the burning of animal dung and wood counts as renewable energy.

It is not only the extraordinary number of deaths that we should be concerned about; it is the lifelong effect of social and economic deprivation that is exacerbating poverty and inequality. It is a cycle. If children are affected by indoor air pollution at a young age, they will have low-grade illnesses, lower attendance at school, reduced overall health that puts higher health costs on the economy, lower income and decreased labour productivity. And so the cycle goes on.

Also adverse indoor air pollution disproportionately affects women and girls because traditionally they are the ones who spend more time at home and they are the ones who spend more time near a stove cooking and breathing in that particulate matter. It is that particulate matter that we should be concerned about. When we are looking at the energy mix of the world going forward we simply cannot ignore nuclear power, because we know that nuclear power gives us no particulate matter. It is the cleanest power that we have. There is no particulate matter and no CO2. That is why we need to do the things that we can to encourage countries that are going to expand their nuclear programs in a peaceful way.

With our great uranium resources we need to help those countries progress, and that is what this bill is about. It encourages the Indian economy and enables Australia to provide them with uranium. India has an enormous task ahead of it. We know that between now and 2020 India is estimating that, as well as its nuclear program, it is going to double its domestic coal production to one billion tonnes, so from less than 500 million tonnes to over one billion tonnes. To put that in some context, the increase in India's coal production over the next 45 years is greater than Australia's total coal exports. India has 22 nuclear reactors and another five reactors on the drawing board. I believe that we have an obligation to work with India to supply them with uranium in a safe and practical manner. That is what this bill does. I commend it to the House.

Julian Leeser (Berowra, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to support the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill 2016. India is an important friend of Australia. I am strongly in favour of measures that will strengthen and deepen Australia's ties with India. Over 450,000 people of Indian descent currently call Australia home. India is our largest source of skilled migrants. Between 2010 and 2015 we welcomed 180,000 new Indian migrants. With keen entrepreneurial spirit, Indian Australians have already made and continue to make a significant contribution to our community. India is the second-largest source of international students, with 53,000 international Indian students studying in Australia in 2015.

Over the past 10 years there has been a noticeable development in the strength and intensity of our relationship with India, from cultural ties and people-to-people links to significant political and trade interests. Our two great nations share many of the same values, with a common thread of law and language. In my electorate of Berowra we are blessed with a strong and active Indian community of around 5,000 people, who make a much-valued contribution to our community.

India is a growing power in the region. With 1.2 billion people, India is the world's largest democracy. India has the world's third-largest total GDP and impressive growth rates that have exceeded China's stellar growth rates in recent years. India is Australia's 10th-largest two-way trading partner and our fifth-largest export market. The Australia-India relationship is in the ascendancy and over the past few years our relationship has grown steadily in depth and intensity. It is a tribute to the hard work of our outstanding foreign minister, Julie Bishop, the foresight of former Prime Minister Abbott and the continuing commitment of Prime Minister Turnbull.

Two-way prime ministerial visits in 2014 built significant momentum in our relationship with India. Prime Minister Abbott visited India in September 2014, during which the two leaders signed a number of bilateral memoranda of understanding, including, relevantly, cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. In November 2014 Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Australia. It was the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 28 years. I was privileged to be in a crowd of 16½ thousand Australians to hear Prime Minister Modi speak at the Acer Arena in Sydney, where he observed:

We see Australia as a vital partner in India's quest for progress and prosperity. There are few countries in the world where we see so much synergy as we do in Australia. India is a nation of more than a billion seeking development. Australia is a developed country of a few million people and vast resources. I see Australia as a major partner in every area of our national priority.

Moving to the issue of uranium exports, Australia's uranium export policy restricts exports of sales for peaceful purposes. It requires that states to whom we sell uranium provide assurances that Australian uranium will not be used for weapons and will be subject to the International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards. In practice, this has meant that Australia does not export uranium to states outside the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, including India. A 2008 waiver granted to India by the 48-nation Nuclear Suppliers Group allowed India access to civilian nuclear technology and fuel from other countries. In 2014, Australia and India signed the Australia-India nuclear cooperation agreement, which sets out strict conditions for the peaceful use, safeguarding and security of Australian uranium transfer to India for civil use.

This bill has a series of benefits. The Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill provides guidance for the approval of Australian uranium exports to India. It ensures that any such approval takes into account the particular safeguard arrangements that the International Atomic Energy Agency applies to India and which India has committed to apply in respect of Australian exports of uranium through its nuclear cooperation agreement with this country.

This bill recognises the robust regime of accounting and inspections to ensure non-diversion of nuclear material from the peaceful use that has been set up by the IAEA India Safeguards Agreement. This bill clarifies that decisions approving civil nuclear transfers to India are not to be inconsistent with, or have been made with due regard to, Australia's international obligations under either the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons or the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty. These arrangements offer robust assurance that Australian uranium will be used exclusively for peaceful purposes.

By codifying Australia's international obligations in relation to the nuclear safeguards to be applied to India, this bill puts in place the domestic legal protections required to facilitate Australian export of uranium to India for civil purposes. It protects Australian exporters who are complying with all relevant international safeguards and obligations from the threat of a domestic legal challenge. Without this legislation, the risk of a domestic legal challenge could hinder the export opportunity available to Australian companies, several of whom already have potential sales contracts under discussion.

This bill makes an important contribution to our bilateral relationship, and it is an important sign of trust between our two nations. It adds to the suite of measures introduced to deepen our bilateral strategic ties and firmly places Australia and India on a path to further cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region.

This bill represents a new trade opportunity for Australia. We have the ability to provide safe uranium to India, while simultaneously enhancing our economic opportunities abroad and investing in jobs here at home. The Minerals Council of Australia said in 2014:

India is set to be a significant developer of nuclear energy over the next decade and a half. While it is already one of the largest energy consumers in the world, it still has around 400 million people without access to electricity.

As well as Australia, India now has civil nuclear arrangements with, among other countries, Canada, France, Japan, South Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States.

The significant benefit to Australia from passing this bill is the security given to the uranium export opportunity. The bill opens the pathway for Australian companies to pursue the new energy market opportunity that India presents. With a GDP that has quadrupled in two decades, economic growth rates exceeding even those of China, and the world's third-largest total GDP, in purchasing power terms, India is a huge market opportunity for Australian businesses.

This new market opportunity will contribute to significant growth in our bilateral trade relationship. Trade with India has grown in parallel with our bilateral political relationship and, in 2015, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade valued trade between Australia and India at $18 billion. The opportunities for Australian businesses and exporters to profit from this massive diversified economy and youthful population are endless, particularly with regard to agriculture, energy, manufacturing, mining and services.

The Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement, currently under discussion between our two governments, will reap significant financial benefits and only further strengthen the ties that bind our nations together. With the prospect of a free trade agreement between Australia and India, it is imperative we pass this legislation. Nuclear power is already an important part of India's energy mix, and increased nuclear capacity in the future will help India reduce its carbon emissions and provide the secure supply of power it needs to continue its rapid economic development. The opportunity for Australia to supply uranium to India and to help fuel that development is a significant one. The first contracts for what promises to be a significant trade are already being negotiated.

There is already a strong relationship in energy cooperation between Australia and India. Coal, our largest export to India, was worth $5.5 billion in 2014-15. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change said in 2014 that achieving deep cuts in greenhouse gas will require more intensive use of a range of low-carbon technologies, including nuclear energy. In the same year, Prime Minister Abbott spoke in favour of the environmental argument supporting the sale of uranium to India. He observed that uranium 'is an important source of clean energy to a country that desperately needs power.'

As India's population grows and the country's economy develops it will need even greater amounts of energy. This bill will place Australia in a strong position to supply India with the energy required for its continued economic development, while supporting our mining sector and the thousands of hardworking Australian men and women employed in that sector. Exporting uranium to India will help create a clean energy future for India. Helping India to generate more energy from nuclear plants will help to protect the environment by reducing the greenhouse gases emitted during energy production.

In conclusion, this bill will place Australia in a strong position to supply India with the energy required for its continued development and contribute to significant growth in our trade relationship. It puts in place the domestic legal protections required to facilitate Australian export of uranium to India for civil purposes and ensures Australia's continued strength and prosperity in the mining sector. It is, further, an important sign of trust between Australia and India. It is an important sign of our deepening relationship and the depth of understanding between our two great nations. It is a sign of our commitment to a further strengthening of ties and a significant step on the path to the ongoing development of our bilateral relationship. We must pass the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill without delay. I commend it to the House.

Alex Hawke (Mitchell, Liberal Party, Assistant Minister for Immigration and Border Protection) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I want to join my friend and colleague the member for Berowra in speaking on this important bill before the House today—the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill 2016. It is my pleasure to speak about this, having chaired the parliamentary friends of India group for the past three years here in Canberra, working very closely with the Indian diaspora in our major cities, Sydney and Melbourne, but also here in Canberra, to ensure that parliamentarians are across the important relationship that we have with India in the ongoing increase in trade, in volumes of migration and in the partnership that we share in our region to make sure that we have a safe, stable and economically prosperous region.

We do understand, I think, in this House now that this relationship between our two great nations is really finding its feet. For the first time in 30 years we saw the visit of Prime Minister Modi—one of the most significant modern leaders of India coming out of the Bharatiya Janata Party—with a real promise for economic reform and growth for India, having delivered that in the Gujarat province. We are seeing now, for the first time, the modernisation of the Indian economy. It is on the precipice of great growth and development, like we saw in China. This is a real opportunity for the great partnership between Australia and India to emerge in this century as one of the defining features of our bilateral relationship with India.

We see the relationship between our prime ministers. We see that the largest source country for migrants in my own portfolio is now India. Our largest student source country is variously India, with many foreign students now studying in Australia, and the skills need of India is one of the great export opportunities for our education sector here in Australia. It is the world's third largest and fastest-growing major economy, but, currently, exports to India are just about one-tenth of exports to China. That presents us with a significant potential and opportunity to expand and, hence, this bill before us presents us with a great opportunity to continue this strong economic relationship and provide the power to meet the real needs that an emerging and growing economy such as India will require.

We know that India is emerging as a stronger regional and global partner in our region with a great global role. It is a large democratic power in the Indo-Pacific. It means more outreach with us, it means more trade, it means more diplomacy and it means more cooperation between us. Our bilateral relationship has developed so fast over the last five years, and I think this is an important step in the right direction. It has had some misguided opposition in the past—I note this bill and the sale of uranium to India. I do not think there is any Australian, and I do not think there is anyone left in this House, who would want to see a return to the era under the Rudd government—I was here in this House then—where, to our detriment, a strain was placed on our relationship with this major strategic partner.

The access that India has sought to our uranium ore to meet the needs of its rapidly growing economy is important to understand from the psychological perspective of our Indian partners. We have so much in common with India: democracy, the use of the English language, a shared British heritage of colonialism—things that relate us so well with India. For Australia to have suggested at any point that we would deny our uranium to India, that there was no way of working out how we could arrange the provision of uranium to a country like India or that there was no way that we could form a bond of trust, an economic tie, a binding contract or a relationship with India which would ensure that we were satisfied we could meet our international obligations and that India could meet theirs was naive—and it was naive of the Labor Party at the time to think so. It was good to see the Gillard government reverse the Rudd government's error in this regard. It is good to see the opposition is supporting this bill because it is the right move for relations between our countries. It is the right move forward for our country and for India.

The rhetoric has to change. We must recognise that India is now a responsible nation and that strengthening our bilateral relationship is mutually beneficial. It is important to see the member for Melbourne and the member for Denison here. I know they are here pre-emptively, and I might pre-empt a little bit of what they will say. All members in this House should understand the modern nation that India is and represents and the good global and international citizen that it is. This government wants to ensure that our exports are properly managed and that they are dealt with in full confidence of the standards that we require—and that is what this bill provides for.

The bill provides guidance for the approval of uranium exports. It takes into account the particular safeguard arrangements that the IAEA applies in India and which India has committed to apply in respect of Australian exports of uranium through its nuclear cooperation agreement with Australia. I am confident these robust arrangements can assure the House, the parliament, the public and our two nations that Australian uranium will be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. The design is specific to India, which, of course, is not a party to the NPT. The purpose of this bill is to clarify that decisions approving civil nuclear transfers to India are taken not to be inconsistent with, or have been made with due regard to, Australia's obligations relating to nuclear safeguards under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty if particular conditions are met. The conditions relate to the application of India's nuclear safeguards agreement with the IAEA, including its additional protocol, and the Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of India on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy—the Australia-India agreement.

Given the expansion of nuclear energy around the globe and its use in many modern countries like France, India and China, we have to have arrangements and treaties and the confidence that uranium is being used for peaceful civilian purposes like power generation. We should not allow blind ideology to get in the way of these important technological developments that allow for millions of people to escape poverty, better themselves, improve their lives and have access to cheaper power and better constant sources of power for industry and for their own endeavour. Also, significantly—and I know the member for Melbourne would agree—we should reduce our reliance on fossil-fuel-based power over time. We should take advantage of the technological solutions that are available to human beings to reduce our reliance on fossil fields and generate baseload energy in a reliable and cheap way for the vast expansions that economies like India will require.

Adam Bandt (Melbourne, Australian Greens) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

If only you said the same about renewables. Why don't you say the same about renewables? So hypocritical!

Alex Hawke (Mitchell, Liberal Party, Assistant Minister for Immigration and Border Protection) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I would say to the member for Melbourne that if we do cut ourselves off from technology we will not be able to solve the problems that face us. It is good to see modern economies and modern nations like India, France and other parts of the world taking on board available technological solutions to power generation—dealing with the problems of climate change and dealing with the challenges faced by emerging economies, and doing so in a sensible way. That is what this bill is assisting Australia also to do in the provision of uranium for civil purposes and nuclear power generation. The public can have confidence in the provisions that are in this bill, the negotiations that this government has undertaken with the government of India, the protocols that are in place, the requirements that Australia has put in place and the developments in the arrangements for nuclear cooperation.

I will not reiterate everything that has been said by previous speakers in relation to the details. However, I want to ensure that people understand that the bill codifies, for the special case of India, the content of Australia's relevant international obligations for the purposes of the relevant laws. The bill will give legal and commercial certainty to specific developments in this bilateral relationship and include a new bilateral maritime exercise; an agreed framework for security cooperation, incorporating meetings on cyber policy, counterterrorism and maritime cooperation; continuation of the foreign ministers framework dialogue; continued growth in the people-to-people links and the collaborations in science, education and technology; and the conclusion of the nuclear cooperation agreement.

Engagement with Australia by Indian ministers has improved. We have had the prime ministerial visit and seen minister after minister, including senior ministers, Finance Minister Jaitley and Coal and Energy Minister Goyal. Finding a way to normalise the nuclear status of India has been an essential part of the shift that we have seen in recent years. I believe that the bilateral relationship between India and Australia has been greatly strengthened by our support for its campaign for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group. The support that Australia has provided in this regard has reinforced the impression of us as a reliable partner, an honest broker and a good regional ally—as India has attested to.

In setting up the new safeguard arrangements with the International Atomic Energy Agency and concluding nuclear cooperation agreements with countries like the United States, Canada and Australia, India has been willing, I think for the first time, to bind itself to the international standard safeguard arrangements over its declared civil nuclear sector. It is very important to remember that those arrangements exist between the United States, Canada and, of course, now Australia. India, as I have said, offers a significant new market for Australian uranium. Successive Australian governments have worked with India to put in place the nuclear cooperation agreement and the administrative arrangements to allow exports to proceed for civil power generation.

It is important that we pass this bill. It is important that we speak with tolerance and respect about our Indian allies when we make our contributions in this House and recognise that they are a peaceful power, that they are using our uranium for peaceful purposes and that they are, by generating power through nuclear power and given the rapid expansion that is expected in Indian economy, also making a great contribution in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. So, when we do seek to make our contributions here today, I hope all members of the chamber will be respectful of that relationship and of that certainty that is required between two great countries like India and Australia.

It is important that Australians and Australian governments continue to consider accessing technological solutions to address the challenges that face our country as well. It is good to see attitudes changing towards nuclear science, medicine, technology—and hopefully also power generation in the near future—in the development of our country. When you consider the attitudes that have been held here in the past, the fact that we will be exporting uranium to countries around the world and that the major unions in this country are relaxing and removing their historic opposition to important developments in uranium, you can see that the grounds are shifting in support of what is and what can be a great technological solution to the power generation needs of our country as well.

It is my pleasure today to recommend this bill to the House. I think it is an extremely significant development between India and Australia. This will form the platform for great trade between our two countries and for the expansion of the Indian economy that we all want to see in the world today. It will mean peaceful collaboration and peaceful cooperation in our region with enhanced economic development and economic trade, and that is something we can all recommend. I welcome this bill and I welcome the continued ongoing trust in and mutual development of the bilateral relationship between Australia and India. I commend the bill to the House.

Ken Wyatt (Hasluck, Liberal Party, Assistant Minister for Health And Aged Care) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill 2016 clarifies that decisions approving civil nuclear transfers to India are taken to be consistent with Australia's obligations relating to nuclear safeguards if particular conditions are met. Those conditions include the application of nuclear safeguards under India's agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency as well as the Australia-India agreement on civil nuclear cooperation. This legislation is the final step in allowing Australian exporters to supply Australian uranium for use in India's civil nuclear facilities. This process began with the former government's decision in 2011 to commence negotiations on a civil nuclear cooperation agreement with India. That agreement was concluded by the current government in 2014 and reviewed by the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in 2015. Together with the nuclear cooperation agreement and associated administrative arrangements, the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill completes the package of measures enabling the supply by Australia of uranium to India.

The decisions that consecutive Australian governments have made to clear the way for nuclear cooperation with India have taken account of the fact that India is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. These decisions are built on a framework agreed by the Nuclear Suppliers Group in 2008 that recognised India's commitment to support international nonproliferation efforts. India's commitments included continuing its moratorium on nuclear testing and separating its civil and military nuclear activities. They also include acceptance of International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards on civil nuclear activities. In the years since 2008 India has continued to meet these commitments.

The Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill reflects Australia's decision to supply uranium to India on the basis of the Nuclear Suppliers Group decision and the safeguards that India and the International Atomic Energy Agency have put in place. It also reflects the conditions in the Australia-India agreement on civil nuclear cooperation. The bill will give Australian exporters confidence that they can fulfil new uranium supply arrangements to India with long-term legal certainty. The bill does not give blanket protection against legal action that might affect supply of uranium to India. Its purpose is to clarify one specific technical point: how Australia's commitment under the nonproliferation treaty and the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty should be interpreted when decision makers are considering permits for the export of uranium to India.

The International Atomic Energy agency applies robust safeguards to the civil part of India's fuel cycle, which is where Australia's uranium and any nuclear material derived from it will exclusively remain. The bilateral agreement between Australia and India contains assurances that the Australian uranium will not be diverted from peaceful purposes. These assurances are underpinned by strict inspection and accounting regimes.

Nuclear power is an important part of India's energy mix. Timely engagement in the Indian market will maximise opportunities for Australian companies. India has plans for nuclear energy to meet 25 per cent of its power needs by 2050. Nuclear energy will also help to power economic growth and poverty reduction in the world's fastest-growing major economy. India's plans to expand nuclear generation are likely to make a valuable contribution to its pledged reduction in carbon emissions intensity. Uranium mining companies in Australia are already negotiating the first contracts for what promises to be a significant trade.

As an emerging strategic power in the Indo-Pacific region, India is a natural partner for Australia. We share a robust democratic tradition. Our countries see eye to eye on the importance of the rule of law, free speech and free enterprise. Rooted in these shared values, Australia's growing collaboration with India on energy security and trade is an investment in the future for both countries. The process of developing bilateral nuclear cooperation with India began under Labor and has been carried forward by the coalition. I am pleased to observe that the Civil Nuclear Transfers to India Bill 2016 enjoys the same bipartisan support. The government will continue to work with the opposition to ensure that this important policy is implemented for the benefit of all Australians. I commend the bill to the House.

Ross Vasta (Bonner, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The question is that this bill be now read a second time.

A division having been called and the bells having been rung—

As there are fewer than five members on the side of the noes in this division, I declare the question resolved in the affirmative in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.

Question agreed to, Mr Bandt and Mr Wilkie voting no.

Bill read a second time.