Karen Andrews (McPherson, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Home Affairs) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I move:

That this House:

(1) notes that the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee tabled its report into the human rights implications of recent violence in Iran on 1 February 2023;

(2) acknowledges that submissions to the inquiry overwhelmingly called for the Government to list the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation;

(3) recognises that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps poses a threat to Australia's national security and the security of Australians at home and abroad, especially the Iranian-Australian community;

(4) further notes that Australia's international partners have taken or are taking steps to categorise the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation, including the United States of America and the United Kingdom; and

(5) calls on the Government to urgently take the necessary steps to formally categorise the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as an organisation involved in supporting and facilitating terrorism.

In so doing, I call on the government to urgently take the necessary steps to formally categorise the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the IRGC, as an organisation involved in supporting and facilitating terrorism. In my former role as the Minister for Home Affairs, I oversaw the listing of the entirety of Hamas, The Base and Hezbollah as terrorist organisations. It's a powerful signal to those who threaten our way of life.

Like many others, I have been alarmed at how the threat from the IRGC has escalated over the past nine months, especially since the civil unrest following the death of Jina Amini in September last year. As this motion outlines, the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee inquiry into the human rights implications of recent violence in Iran heard many cases of human rights abuses by the IRGC as well as threats to the Australian-Iranian community. In fact, such is the degree of fear over repercussions for speaking out that the vast majority of the 893 submissions to the Senate committee are either name withheld or confidential. As one of the confidential submissions from a female Iranian-Australian says:

This submission is confidential as I have concerns regarding the wellbeing of my family members who are still living in Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran has a well-known history of harassing, arresting and torturing family members of any Iranians who dare criticise the brutality of the regime.

There isn't time in this debate to go through the litany of publicly reported human rights abuses, including violent crackdowns on protesters, political executions, menacing harassment and even the reported poisoning of women and girls who dared to attend schools.

I've spoken with many people who have an intimate knowledge of the conduct of the IRGC and the threats made to families here in Australia, including Peter Murphy, who runs Australian Supporters of Democracy in Iran, and the Melbourne for Iran group and the Iranian Women's Association of Australia, whom I met on a visit to my colleague the member for Menzies's electorate. I also spoke with Ms Dowlat Nowrouzi, a director of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, who had to flee the country when she was a teenager and now lives in Europe.

These groups all raised similar and deeply concerning viewpoints, which I believe this government must heed. As one of the submissions to the Senate inquiry said:

This is an opportunity for a country like Australia that respects human rights to support the oppressed and persecuted in Iran.

Importantly, this organisation is not just a remote threat, given the Australian Signals Directorate confirmed to the parliament last year that IRGC affiliated actors have targeted Australian organisations with ransomware attacks.

In its submission to the Senate inquiry, the Department of Home Affairs said it was aware of reports that pro-Iranian government informants are surveilling former Iranian residents protesting against the regime in Australia and threatening their relatives in Iran. Yet, literally at the last minute, the Attorney-General's Department also made a submission saying:

The Attorney-General's Department is of the view that, as an organ of a nation state, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is not the kind of entity that is covered by the terrorist organisation provision in the Criminal Code.

The Executive Council of Australian Jewry co-CEO Peter Wertheim described the AGD's legalise as 'disappointing' and the legal excuses as 'flimsy'. He said:

While an entire organisation or its government cannot constitute a terrorist organisation under Australian law, there is no reason why a discrete agency of a government, with its own constitution and organisational structure, cannot be designated as such.

I'm deeply concerned that the Attorney-General appears to be putting important national security considerations effectively in the too-hard basket. But I do welcome the fact that foreign minister Penny Wong as recently as this morning announced the imposition of additional action through Magnitsky-style sanctions on Iranians individuals and entities, and these include those within the IRGC. The foreign minister claimed the government would employ every strategy at our disposal towards upholding human rights, and I encourage the government to make sure that they do and that that goes much further than simply sanctions against individuals.

Mike Freelander (Macarthur, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Is the motion seconded?

Julian Leeser (Berowra, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Indigenous Australians) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.

Julian Hill (Bruce, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I am pleased to add my voice to the condemnation by this parliament and, indeed, by the Australian government of the Iranian regime. I am in awe of the courage of the Iranian people, standing up for democracy and human rights, often at grave risk to their own lives and livelihood and those of their families, despite the direct threats. The regime's disregard for human rights or human life is shocking to all decent Australians and the civilised world. Nowruz, the Iranian new year, which has been celebrated for 3,000 years as it's the ancient Persian new year, is tomorrow. It's a huge event in my community for people from Iran and Afghanistan. It's a day and a time of celebration, but I know, for so many in the diaspora community in Australia, it's also a time of deep worry and concern for their family and friends in Iran and Afghanistan.

I want to tackle head-on the hypocrisy of the opposition. I'm very fond of the member for McPherson—I shouldn't say that; it might wreck our reputations—on a personal level. But this is a sad and desperate politicisation by the opposition of this appalling situation in Iran. Let's be clear: the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is a malignant actor. They're a threat to the Iranian people and to peace in the region and, as you rightly pointed out, to the world, through their cyberactivities and elsewhere. But for 10 years the Liberals did nothing on Iran. They failed to do anything. I put to the House: which was the last government until now that did anything on Iran? Was it the Morrison government, the Turnbull government, the Abbott government? No, it was the Gillard government, in 2010. You do not have a monopoly on the morality of this situation; indeed, your record condemns you.

There was 10 years of nothing, no sanctions. It was those opposite who sat by, said nothing and did nothing, while Iran was voted on to the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Penny Wong was the foreign minister and has been at the forefront of moves to kick them off that commission. It was the Gillard government that imposed broad based sanctions. This is the opposition's special party trick; they don't have any policies, but they have this one party trick that they do: they call for actions that they failed to take for 10 years. But now they're engaged in this tawdry partisan exercise to incite the Iranian diaspora in Australia, hoping to scrounge a few votes in a few seats—we know where they are—by calling for something that they know perfectly well is not going to happen. It's a good trick. In one sense, I'm doing exactly what you want by making this speech. But to list the IRGC under the Australian Criminal Code as a terrorist organisation, as the Attorney-General's Department has said, is not going to happen, because terrorist listings under the Criminal Code apply to non-state actors, not state actors like the IRGC. The opposition well know this.

But I'll go a little further. This is my view. I've said it before. I've said it in the intelligence and security committee, which we both sit on, and I've said it externally. In your words, the listing of such would be a 'powerful signal'. They were your words. The listings here have almost no practical effect. They are symbolic. Politicians for decades have danced around and listed things as terrorist organisations in a way that has little to no practical effect in the real world. I'm sure al-Shabaab in Somalia are deeply terrified that they've been listed as a terrorist organisation! The things which hurt these people are the sanctions that matter, the things that Labor did when last in government and that Labor's doing now: financial sanctions, broad-based sanctions and targeted Magnitsky sanctions like those the government has consistently imposed. Sanctions were imposed last year on six individuals and two entities, including Iran's famed morality police; in February, sanctions were imposed on one entity and 16 people, including senior officials; and today 14 individuals and 14 entities have been made subject to financial sanctions, with the individuals also subject to travel bans. That's the stuff that actually makes a difference and matters, not stunts like this.

We've imposed targeted sanctions, with partners, on people and individuals selling Iranian drones to Russia to kill people in Ukraine. We've been muscling up to the Iranian regime generally, with diplomatic pressure—through written correspondence, calling in the ambassador and having our ambassador see the government in Iran—and along with the international community. We've co-sponsored the independent Human Rights Commission investigation into human rights violations and, as I said, moved to kick Iran off the Commission on the Status of Women.

All of a sudden, we see the Liberals' new-found interest in human rights in Iran, after 10 years of doing nothing and sitting quietly by. It is appalling. They were on the body that could have acted for the last 10 years, but they did nothing, and we're not going to be lectured to by them.

Andrew Wallace (Fisher, Liberal National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to join the member for McPherson in support of this motion, and I acknowledge her strong leadership in this area and the work that she did as the previous home affairs minister. I also commend the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee chair, Senator Claire Chandler, for her work in this space.

Whereas the Iranian Army functions to protect Iran's sovereignty and defence, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps essentially exists to preserve the ayatollah's theocratic regime and to defend the ideology of the first ayatollah, which is deeply entrenched in the function and philosophy of the so-called Islamic republic. In the words of their own constitution:

The Revolutionary Guards is an institution under the Leader's supreme command. Its goal is to protect Iran's Islamic Revolution and its achievements and persistently struggle to achieve the divine aims, spread the … law of God …

This is the same supreme leader who has pledged to annihilate the State of Israel, who denies the Holocaust, who authorises the torture and murder of those who practise other religions, and who empowers law enforcement to slay women on the streets of Tehran for what they wear and what they say. Make no mistake: the IRGC is a threat to women; it is threat to a Christians, Jews and minority groups even within Islam in the nation of Iran; it is a threat to the democratic and egalitarian people of Israel; it is a threat to human rights defenders, advocates and whistleblowers; it is a threat to democracy and Western democratic ideals; and, most pertinently for us in this place, it is a threat to Australians and our national interests both at home and abroad.

In my role as the Deputy Chair of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I've joined with colleagues from across the political aisle in listing groups as terrorist organisations on a number of occasions: Neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups, radical Islamic extremists and self-proclaimed caliphates. These are people who deal in violence and fear and the most heinous evils. They often do it under the guise of religion, patriotism or ideological purity. Here we have a primary branch of the nation's armed forces perpetrating terror, dealing in organised crime and smuggling, and connected with persons and groups aiding terror through financial and material support.

As brave Australian academic Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert states:

The IRGC has a stated policy of 'exporting the revolution' beyond Iran's borders, and this has led to its sponsorship of a number of Islamist proxies in other parts of the Middle East, many of which have been designated terror organisations by Australia and its Western allies.

Listing the IRGC as a terror group, just as our UK and US allies have, would enable Australia's brave law enforcement agencies to prohibit Australians and residents from sending funds or material support to the IRGC, allow the refusal of entry to IRGC members, collaborators and co-conspirators, and position Australia to better counter the threat of Iran's exported extremism alongside allies. It would send a very clear message to those of like mind that we will not tolerate the indignity and inhumanity of the IRGC, of terror, of anti-Semitism, of religious persecution and of gender based violence.

The member for Bruce spoke earlier about why we hadn't done anything to date. I can tell the member for Bruce this. If the Department of Attorney-General's advice is that the current law does not permit this government to list the IRGC, we'll work with the government to amend the Criminal Code to enable them to make that listing. We are standing with the government, offering constructive feedback. We'll work with them. The ball is now in the government's court.

The shadow minister for home affairs and we as an opposition will work with them to make whatever necessary changes to the legislation are required to list the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. I call on the government to do just that.

Graham Perrett (Moreton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

In 1876 the French philosopher Emile Boirac used a term in his book L'Avenuir des Sciences Psychiques that is now used every day internationally: deja vu. It's a French loan word for the phenomenon of feeling as though one has lived through the present situation before. It's an illusion of memory. For those listening in experiencing that strong sense of recollection right now, I can assure you that even though the coalition is only 10 months into their stint in opposition, that deja vu feeling you're feeling is not a neurological illness. Every Monday, without fail, when we come into this House, we see those opposite feign a passionate interest in an issue that they'd ignored for a decade in government.

It's very disappointing that there are politicians today exploiting the horrible times in Iran for their own political purposes. Over their last decade in office, the former Liberal-National government did not impose one single solitary sanction on anyone in the Iranian regime. Nobody, not one—nada, zip, zero. That conga line of Abbott, Turnbull, Morrison governments did nothing and said nothing when they were on the international body that elected Iran to the Commission on the Status of Women.

When the Liberals and Nationals were in government they were so concerned about Iran's treatment of women they sat back and let them be a part of the Commission on the Status of Women. Some selected self-muzzling by the former foreign minister Bishop—and I'm sure you know which bishop I mean: the one who became a champion for the sisterhood the moment she walked out of the cabinet door in her red shoes, when she had less power.

Unlike the Liberal-National government, the Albanese Labor government has taken stronger action against Iran on human rights than any previous Australian government. We stand with the people of Iran as they courageously demand full respect for their human rights, despite the dark and systemic threats against them, threats that continue in Australia.

The Iranian regime's flagrant and widespread disregard for the human rights of its own people has appalled all Australians, and we're holding perpetrators to account. From the beginning of this wave of crackdowns, we've worked strategically to build pressure internationally on Iran. We're at the forefront of efforts to remove Iran from the Commission on the Status of Women. The LNP sat on their hands or stood in their red heels and let this happen in the first place. Australia co-sponsored and advocated for the successful Human Rights Council resolution establishing an independent investigation into human rights violations in Iran.

Last year, the Albanese government imposed Magnitsky-style human rights sanctions on six individuals and two entities, including Iran's morality police, over their involvement in the Iranian regime's abhorrent, flagrant and continued human rights violations. In February we announced additional Magnitsky-style sanctions on 16 Iranian individuals and one Iranian entity, including senior Iranian law enforcement and military officials. And today Minister Wong imposed sanctions and travel bans on a further 14 Iranian entities for egregious human rights abuses in Iran. We've also joined partners to impose targeted sanctions on multiple individuals and entities involved in the production and supply of drones to Russia that have been used in its illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine.

The Albanese government has consistently and forcefully raised concerns directly with Iran. The foreign minister and Attorney-General have written to and engaged with their Iranian counterparts. We've summoned their representatives in Australia on several occasions. Our ambassadors have made representations in Tehran, including directly to the deputy foreign minister, and we've called out Iran internationally, jointly with partners and in multinational forums—all the skills of diplomacy—most recently at the Human Rights Council in Geneva, where Assistant Foreign Minister Watts condemned Iran's brutal repression of protesters and its ongoing systemic discrimination against women and girls. The Albanese government is working deliberately and strategically to apply pressure on the Iranian regime. That includes the commission that the foreign minister Penny Wong has since worked determinedly and successfully to get Iran removed from. Also, Foreign Minister Wong, I hope you recover from your COVID soon.

Whilst I know the mover of the motion before the chamber well, love her work in many areas and have worked with her over the years in parliament, I don't think that this motion reflects the last 10 years of inaction. The last government to put sanctions on the IRGC wasn't the Morrison government, the Turnbull government or the Abbott government. It was actually the Gillard government that last recognised the threat they presented and put broad based sanctions on them back in 2010. This is an opposition that specialises in calling for action that it actually failed to take.

David Gillespie (Lyne, National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise in support of this motion, and I'd like to thank the members for Moreton, McPherson and Fisher for their comments thus far. We don't want to do a tit-for-tat discussion. The member for Moreton has just outlined the actions of the current government, and I'm very pleased they've done that. I acknowledge that work. I stood at the table myself and introduced the Autonomous Sanctions Amendment (Magnitsky-style and Other Thematic Sanctions) Bill to this House, and I was very keen to get some action happening utilising that legislation. But that is history now; we're dealing with the present.

We're dealing with, at this juncture in the state of Iran, the bravery of hundreds of thousands of their citizens who are in the latest round of popular protest against the Iranian theocracy and in particular the work of the Iranian revolutionary guard, which have acted maliciously since they first came onto the scene at the creation of the current state of Iran back in 1979. Onwards since then, they have kept the lid on any skerrick of departure from an Islamic theocratic state.

The most recent round of popular protest, triggered by Mahsa Amini for not wearing her hijab correctly, is the last of many. Back in 2017, there were popular protests, with 100 cities demonstrating, 25 deaths and 4,000 arrests. A very prominent young activist, Navid Afkari, got a bit of attention when he was finally hanged because of those protests back in 2020. In November 2019, there was a similar wave of popular uprising against the loss of human rights and the rigid imposition of the religious and morality police. An estimated 1,500 died in those two weeks. Then, since September 2022, protests have risen to the fore. Former Iranian citizens are living in many countries, and the sight of children being killed in indiscriminate violence during these protests, and people being arrested and prescribed a death sentence under the auspices of the so-called justice system, is an offence to the whole human race.

Just recently, the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee received almost 900 submissions to its inquiry into the human rights implications of recent violence in Iran. The vast majority of the submissions were confidential and anonymous, and that is because members of the IRGC are active in many countries outside of Iran. The Belgians caught an Iranian diplomat planning a terrorist act in Paris during one of the rallies a couple of years ago, and many people are aware that Iranian actors have attended universities and received support from their country. The recommendations in the committee's report are substantial. I fully support the concept of listing the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. The legalities outlined by the honourable minister are noted, but, like the member for Fisher said, if that's the case, we just need to get together and change the legislation so we can list it. America has managed to list it, the European Parliament has achieved this and the UK is in the same situation. It would mean funds couldn't be sent to Iran to support the malignant theocracy that suppresses anyone who doesn't observe 'modesty' or follow the religious and social rules that are pressed upon them—whether they are a child, a woman or a man. It would be a good thing if we looked seriously at legislative change so that we could list the IRGC.

But the main thing that we have to address is that this is an unjustifiable system of oppression of all the basic human rights. It's not just that it is pro-Islam, but, whether you are Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian or whatever religion, if you are not following the strict diktats of how the Islamic revolutionary guard interprets things, your life is at risk—and this should stop.

Matt Burnell (Spence, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

On Mondays, you'll often find me in the Federation Chamber speaking on private members' motions, the subject matter of those motions varying wildly from sitting week to sitting week. However, I'm pleased that the motion moved by the member for McPherson is being debated on the floor of the House instead. This, I feel, is mainly due to the subject matter of this debate. It's a very serious motion touching on a serious subject matter—namely, Australia's foreign policy and our relationship with Iran in light of the violence occurring in that country, particularly since September 2022, in the aftermath of the death of a young woman who had her whole life ahead of her. This woman's name was Mahsa Amini, or Jina, which was her Kurdish name. Her tragic death occurred after she was taken into custody by the morality police in Iran.

The member for McPherson's motion notes the report tabled by the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee. Many of the submissions to the committee's inquiry are quite heartbreaking. I feel deeply for those directly and indirectly affected by the present situation in Iran. How could we not all feel this way? I feel deeply for the Iranian diaspora in Australia having to hear about this on the news or from loved ones in Iran itself. Many reside in my electorate of Spence. They are worried about their loved ones. This is as true for many in Australia who have left Iran recently as it is for those whose families had done so generations before them—whether they are of the Baha'i faith, whether they are Kurdish or whether they are here or abroad, there's a sickening feeling, but it is one that was amplified by recent events. It is a feeling that lingers because it is, sadly, not a surprise to many to hear that women were taken off the streets in Iran by the morality police for a wide number of perceived infractions long before that fateful day in September 2022. It is no surprise to anyone listening to know the reports of persecuted minority groups in Iran on the suppression of rights we in Australia consider basic, despite how fundamental they may be. I must say it's a marvel of our parliamentary committee system that so many out there had faith they could participate in a process such as this without fear.

However, the report itself provides me with pause for thought and concern too. I must admit I am new to this place. Elected just last year, I have been a member of parliament for much less time than the mover of this motion, the member for McPherson, and even that of the chair of the committee, Senator Chandler. Notwithstanding this, I was always given the strong impression that on matters such as national security, defence and foreign policy a strong degree of bipartisanship is maintained. This helps to maintain continuity, strength and certainty to nations abroad, friend or otherwise, that Australia will not veer wildly in a different direction on the international geopolitical stage depending on which party forms the government of the day. It has served as well for many years now. The recent AUKUS announcement is a testament to the convention being applied in the area of defence and national security. This process, if conducted whilst following usual conventions, would see government and opposition, in fact all members of the committee, consulted as to the final recommendations made in the report. This was not the case. Sadly, as the Labor senators have noted, we do not see a conventional approach in this committee report.

Those opposite when in government trashed conventions at the highest level. I hope they don't go down a similar path in opposition too. The member for McPherson knows all too well the impact not following conventions can have on our democratic system and our image abroad, I would take it from the member's comments upon hearing how the member for Cook trashed our conventions and made himself Minister for Home Affairs at the same time she held that office, stating that she believed he ought to resign from the parliament. I thought there'd be a similar sense of outrage from the member when other conventions are thrown out the door as well. I hope in the future we can begin to see a clearer manifestation of His Majesty's loyal opposition, one that holds the government to account as good oppositions do, but in a constructive way that doesn't undermine the government as an enduring institution on the world stage. Whilst those opposite can spend time examining our tactics, the Albanese government will continue to examine ways and means to hold the Iranian government to account.

Keith Wolahan (Menzies, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I fully support the member for McPherson's motion, and I do so having listened to the speeches given by those opposite. For many months I have stood in front of the Iranian diaspora at many rallies and said we want this to be nonpartisan, and where there was progression on this issue, such as the removal of the regime from the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, we praised you for it. Where there were limited and targeted sanctions, we praised you for them. So we don't come in here with this motion lightly. Yes, there is a convention that national security and foreign affairs is a largely bipartisan thing, but that is not a blank cheque for everything. It reeks of hypocrisy to hear that from those opposite, when you say that on the one hand, yet we've seen the Minister for Defence come in here and hurl abuse at this side for our decisions and our policies on national security and defence. So you will forgive me and forgive us for noting the hypocrisy. We will stand up for the Iranian diaspora in Australia. We hope to do it in a bipartisan way, but when that doesn't occur we will hold you to account. That is our duty as members of this place.

Two nights ago I had the fortune of speaking at a dinner in Melbourne. That dinner was put on by members of the Iranian diaspora who work at the medical profession. In attendance was Kylie Moore-Gilbert and a member of the Labor Party. It had bipartisan support, and that's the way it should be. When speaking to that room, I acknowledged their concerns and their courage. They were there to celebrate Nowruz, the Persian New Year, but did so with mixed emotions because they know it's hard to celebrate when your own home country has been devastated and terrorised like it has. This isn't a normal time, and we must recognise that.

Those opposite pointed to the supposed lack of action over the last 10 years. That is irrelevant because it all changed with the killing of Mahsa Amini. We know that, those opposite know that, the Iranian diaspora knows that and the Islamic republic regime knows that. That is why they reacted like they did. That is why we saw the deaths of over 500 people. That is why tens of thousands are now in prison. That is terror in its purest form—terror over a people who deserve so much better.

In my speech to that group I said I'm also new to politics, and I've noted that, when you're making decisions, you can walk through a values door. That's what drives you—principles of freedom and democracy, and serving other people. But you can also walk through a power door where you're driven by your own selfish needs, by the lust and seductiveness of power. This regime was a revolution in 1979 but they walked through the power door and they slammed it shut after them. Now that door is being banged on, by young Iranians, young women and young girls, and the regime is terrified—and they know it.

When I speak to people in my seat of Menzies—and I have the largest Iranian diaspora in Australia, and I'm very proud of that and I'm proud of them—they tell me this is a unique moment in history, and they want to give it the best chance they can. So they're pleading with us, they're pleading with those opposite, to give it its best chance. When those opposite stand up here and say, 'Well, nothing happened in the last 10 years; shame on you,' that is sending a message that they don't acknowledge this is a unique moment in history. They don't acknowledge that this is a time for us to give more power for us to their arm, for us to support the young women, the young girls, who are standing up to bullets, getting imprisoned just for dancing.

I commend the motion, and I commend my colleague in the Senate, Senator Claire Chandler, for the work she did in asking for this. We listened to the community and to those on the front line. On the eve of that report being handed down, the Attorney-General's Department presented the problem we have before us—a supposed problem in the Criminal Code. We accept that. But guess what? That's what we do in this place. We get to amend legislation. If it's not fit for purpose, we can change it. And the Criminal Code is not fit for purpose. You have our support to change it. It'll sail through this place and it will sail through the Senate. Work with us. Give more power to their arm. It's a unique moment in history, and they deserve our support.

Luke Gosling (Solomon, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak to the human rights implications of recent violence in Iran. In doing so, reflecting on the previous speaker: every moment in time is unique. Whilst I appreciate he feels compelled to make the argument of his side, given their poor track record and given the large percentage of people of Iranian descent in his electorate, let's be real: if you aren't prepared to accept the lack of action by those opposite when they were in government, like this is all new, like the Revolutionary Guard is new and that its behaviour couldn't possibly have been predicted, then not taking those steps along the line is negligent.

The previous speaker wasn't in the Abbott, Morrison or Turnbull governments. However, it's important not to whitewash history. It is not a partisan view; it is a bipartisan view that we have all been moved in this place by the bravery of the Iranian people and appalled by the brutality of the regime towards its own citizens as the violence has escalated. The people of Iran have not given up hope as they courageously demand full respect for their human rights despite those threats that are against them. So I think I can confidently say that, across the chamber, we stand with the people of Iran. Whilst Iranian security forces persist with draconian methods to ruthlessly suppress peaceful protesters, including the use of lethal force and senseless violence against women and children that is obviously absolutely abhorrent, I share the deep concerns of those in my community in Darwin and Palmerston and around the country.

Nothing can justify these shameful actions, which have included execution of protesters by the regime. Australia opposes the death penalty in all circumstances, for all people everywhere. We have been integral to building pressure on Iran internationally and were at the forefront of efforts to remove Iran from the Commission on the Status of Women. Australia advocated for the successful Human Rights Council resolution for the establishment of an independent fact-finding mission to investigate human rights violations in Iran, and the Australian government has consistently and forcefully raised our concerns directly with Iran. Our government has summoned Iran's representative in Canberra on numerous occasions, and our ambassador has made representations in Tehran, including directly to the deputy foreign minister. These are concrete actions.

Australia will continue to raise concerns directly with Iran's representative in Canberra, through our embassy in Tehran and in multilateral forums. We have called out Iran internationally, jointly, with partners and in those multilateral forums, most recently at the Human Rights Council in Geneva earlier this month, where Assistant Foreign Minister Watts condemned Iran's brutal repression of protesters and its ongoing systematic discrimination against women and girls.

Our government, the Albanese government, is working deliberately and strategically to apply pressure to the Iranian regime. We have imposed Magnitsky-style human rights sanctions on 22 individuals and three entities over their involvement in the Iranian regime's abhorrent, flagrant and continued human rights violations. Today the foreign minister announced Magnitsky-style human rights sanctions on 14 Iranian individuals and 14 Iranian entities over their involvement in the Iranian regime's abhorrent, flagrant and continued human rights violations. Among those subject to Magnitsky-style human rights sanctions are Iran's morality police, the Basij Resistance Force, and senior law enforcement and military figures, including those within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The IRGC is a malignant actor that has long been a threat to international security and to its own people. The Gillard government understood this and put broad based sanctions on the IRGC as a whole in 2010. The Albanese government has also recognised the threat.

Aaron Violi (Casey, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I want to firstly commend the member for McPherson and also commend my neighbour and colleague the member for Menzies for his strong words. I know he has the largest Iranian population in his electorate, and I have a strong Iranian population in Casey. We've worked together for many months now to make sure that we are a voice for the Iranian people here in Australia and also in Iran.

Woman, life, freedom—they are the words that the Iranian protesters use in Australia. This is a movement that started six months ago with the death of Mahsa Amini. This is the sizeable change that has happened in the last six months, with the deaths of Mahsa Amini and many others. The member for Menzies and I have sponsored political protesters who have been arrested, and people have been murdered, and there has been a significant change in the last six months. That's why it is so important we continue to support the Iranian community.

I've had the opportunity to speak at rallies and meet with many people in Casey but also across Victoria. When you hear the passion they have for their country, for their homeland, but also their anguish at loved ones and family members that are in jail or that they have lost, your heart breaks for them. They have such pride in their country, and it's important we continue to be their voice.

That's why I welcome and the coalition welcomes the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee's recommendations, released on 1 February, regarding the human rights implications of the violence in Iran. At the time, our shadow ministers, Senator Simon Birmingham, Mrs Karen Andrews and Senator James Paterson, produced a media release calling for stronger support for the people of Iran, and I echo that. The violence and oppression in Iran require the strongest possible response from the Albanese government and other nations to send a clear message that these actions are not tolerated and must cease.

The recommendations of the committee reaffirm the need for the Albanese government to take greater action against those responsible for the abhorrent human rights abuses in Iran and potential acts of intimidation in Australia. We have been calling for this action for months, but at every step the Albanese government has been slow to act, leading to frustration and concern in the Iranian community. Last year, it was revealed by the Australian Signals Directorate that Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps affiliated actors have targeted Australian organisations. The recently tabled report by the Senate foreign affairs committee, Human rights implications of recent violence in Iran, made 12 recommendations, including:

… that the Australian Government take the necessary steps to formally categorise the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as an organisation involved in supporting and facilitating terrorism.

As the report notes, the overwhelming response from submissions was that the government should take this important action to send a clear message and strong repudiation of their actions.

Australia has a moral obligation to take a strong stand against the IRI's abhorrent behaviour, but it also has an obligation to protect Australians against the dangerous and threatening behaviour of the IRI regime. The IRI regime is effectively a rogue state responsible for acts of terrorism, cybercrime, acts of violence against its critics, hostage diplomacy and other abhorrent behaviour. Australia cannot and should not have any pretence of maintaining a business-as-usual diplomatic relationship with such a regime.

I had the pleasure of meeting a local constituent in Casey, Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert—who many know—who was taken hostage and imprisoned in Iran on the basis of politically motivated charges. It was powerful to hear her story firsthand. She made a very clear case to the committee as to why the IRGC should be listed as a terror organisation:

Listing the IRGC as a terror organisation would enable Australian law enforcement to prohibit anyone in Australia from sending funds or other support to the IRGC … It would also better enable Australia to deny visas to IRGC members, many of whom are known to have studied in Australian universities in the past, and to prevent IRGC members from gaining residency or citizenship.

The coalition continues to offer bipartisan support for any action by Australia to implement the recommendations of the committee and strengthen the condemnation of the continued abuse of human rights being carried out by the Iranian regime. Australia must take a stance that is consistent with like-minded nations.

James Stevens (Sturt, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

In the final moments of this debate, I would like to commend all the other contributions from speakers in the coalition and quickly highlight the plight of Mr Milad Armoun, in particular, a young gentleman who has now been convicted and sentenced to death by the Iranian regime. He is a very good example of why it is so important to support this motion and declare the IRGC a terrorist organisation. His human rights have been completely abused by the Iranian regime, and, as I mentioned, he awaits the death penalty in Iran as we speak. I have taken the step, as many members of parliament have, of taking a personal interest in one particular victim of this regime. Mr Milad Armoun is the one that I stand up for, but I know that many members of parliament in this chamber, and across the world, are standing up for the thousands of people who are, as we speak, facing injustice and abuse of their human rights in Iran. That is why it is so vital that we as a parliament have unity around the condemnation of the behaviour of the Iranian regime and the IRGC and, equally, take the step of declaring them to be a terrorist organisation.

Ross Vasta (Bonner, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The time for the debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.