Matt Burnell (Spence, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I move:

That this House:

(1) notes with great concern that:

(a) there has been a significant increase in far-right extremism and extremist activity in Australia and throughout many parts of the developed world;

(b) far-right extremism is often cultivated through its overlap with various conspiracy theories, which have become a common tool to radicalise individuals, especially through misinformation on social media platforms; and

(c) far-right extremism tears apart the social fabric of Australia's proud and diverse multicultural communities;

(2) acknowledges the vital work undertaken by agencies within Australia's national intelligence community, in cooperation with federal, state and territory law enforcement agencies, to identify and disrupt extremist activities and to intervene and assist those who are at risk of becoming radicalised or becoming further radicalised by hateful ideologies;

(3) condemns far-right extremist groups that presently operate within Australia that seek to promote fascism, ethnic and religious based hatred, and to recruit and radicalise others to ascribe to their malevolent systems of beliefs;

(4) affirms that the ideologies endorsed by right-wing extremist groups have no place in the Australian community; and

(5) commends the Government for taking the threat posed by right-wing extremism in Australia seriously.

I rise in this place today to lead the House's condemnation of far-right extremism wherever it rears its ugly head, whether it be within our borders or abroad, and whether the actors involved originated within our borders or were imported from abroad.

Far-right-wing extremism is one of the great existential challenges and threats we face in Australian civil society today, particularly in today's modern age—one beset by climate that is weighed down by post-truth politics and post-COVID lockdowns. As we know, far-right-wing extremism is a threat that is neither new nor uniquely Australian. The challenges our society faces from far-right-wing extremism are more than just existential in nature. The threat matrix it poses is very real indeed. It is a threat that is, however, manifesting itself within Australia in a number of different ways and through mediums that adapt rapidly at the pace of technological advancements, both for communicating with its audience and attempting to mask digital footprints from the prying eyes of the national intelligence community. It is an ever present threat to peace, order and good government, to constructive civil discourse and to those who find themselves targets of their fixation, whether that be the case because of the religion they follow, the colour of their skin, their political beliefs or the job or office they hold, they once held or they aspire to hold in the future. These factors and more can paint a target on the backs of individuals or entire sections of Australia's population.

I am grateful this motion is to be seconded by the member for Wills. The member for Wills is not only the chair of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Committee but also the second-most authoritative Khalil on the subject matter; I'm sure the member for Wills would agree with me on that point. Taking top spot on that particular leaderboard is the Lowy Institute's very own Lydia Khalil, a subject matter expert whose book Rise of the Extreme Right is an excellent place to start for those who want to learn more about extremism and extremist ideologies in an academic sense.

Soberingly, far-right extremism has existed here and continues to exist in many guises. It's existed as posts on Telegram, inciting a call to arms and encouraging those viewing it to recruit from within the communities. It has shown itself steps away from the Victorian parliament, where Neo-Nazis burned crosses and performed Nazi salutes. Such acts so overt in nature would have been unthinkable several years ago. Now, many groups have been emboldened to act with impunity out there in the open with disturbing frequency.

The extremism has even shown itself through the actions of an Australian-born man who took it upon himself to exact his twisted manifesto upon a community of innocent civilians at Al Noor Mosque in Christchurch on that one fateful day in March 2019. That day, one man, an Australian-born man, snuffed out the lives of 51 people, left 40 others injured and changed the lives of thousands throughout New Zealand, Australia and across many other parts of the globe. What was once seen as being on the crackpot fringe of beliefs and ideals has slowly but surely migrated across to the mainstream of our society. Though far-right extremists are not a homogenous group by any means, the number of common denominators within manifestos and many groups' core beliefs is starting to grow. This has been the case in all pockets of the world in the post-truth era, but the commonalities have become more apparent after the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic.

It is a threat that is, however, manifesting itself within Australia in a number of different ways and through mediums that adapt rapidly at the pace of technological advancements, both for communicating with its audience and attempting to mask digital footprints from the prying eyes of the national intelligence community. In 2021, ASIO confirmed that right-wing extremism made up 50 per cent of its priority caseload. Many in the previous parliament saw it as a reason to act, but then there were others that felt personally attacked by the term 'far-right extremism'. We had, amongst others, the former senator Fierravanti-Wells even questioning the Director-General of Security on this topic.

Those on the other side of the chamber who identify as being on the conservative side of politics or right wing would know already that, in anyone's mind's eye when referring to far right extremists, they are not them. But those members and senators, like all of us, are part of the solution. We cannot tolerate— (Time expired)

Terry Young (Longman, Liberal National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Is there a seconder of the motion?

Zaneta Mascarenhas (Swan, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.

Bridget Archer (Bass, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I thank the member for Spence for shining a light on this issue today, one that I've spoken about a number of times in this chamber. I share his concerns about the significant increase in far-right extremism activity in Australia and throughout many parts of the developed world. Just hearing last week that Germany may see the election of the country's first far-right party since World War II is both distressing and depressing, as the Alternative for Germany party continues to attract a record number of voters at a time when their economy is in turmoil.

I also support the member's commentary that far-right extremism—defined by ASIO as 'the support for violence to achieve political outcomes relating to ideologies, including, but not limited to, white supremacism and Neo-Nazism'—is often cultivated through its overlap with various conspiracy theories. Just two years ago, an Australian Neo-Nazi had his passport cancelled on national security grounds—the first time that this has ever happened. At the time, the ASIO director, Mike Burgess, stated that 'while neo-Nazi cells are not new, they are growing and pose a grave terror threat'. Sadly, in Tasmania over the past few years, there has also been a rise in antisemitic and white supremacist symbols appearing across the state, including in northern Tasmania. I commend the Tasmanian government for its recent legislation banning Nazi symbols and salutes, sending a strong message that this hateful and offensive conduct is not welcome.

In the past few years, the combination of COVID lockdowns, a changing political landscape through the rise of Trumpian-style politics and the influence of social media has become a potent mix. As co-chair of the Parliamentary Friends of Ending Loneliness, I've also pondered the effects of loneliness, isolation and the breakdown of community and what this means for our society, particularly for men who are overrepresented when looking at far-right extremism activity, though women are certainly not immune from joining in these activities, with the participation of women in right-wing extremism also on the rise.

It's easy to see how some members of society who feel lost, angry and withdrawn from society may be more susceptible to far-right views and conspiracy theories. It's here, often on the internet, that they can feel a sense of belonging and united against a perceived enemy. In fact, in recent years studies have indicated that social exclusion is a leading factor in radicalisation of individuals, and in 2021 researchers at global think tank RAND Corporation found that loneliness is one of the predominant reasons people adopt extremist views and join extremist groups.

Unsurprisingly, social media has become a key tool for recruitment. In 2021 a joint submission to the inquiry into extremist movements and radicalism in Australia by the Department of Home Affairs, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Attorney-General's Department stated, 'Social media is a force multiplier for the spread of abhorrent, hateful or violent material online.' Then, of course, these departments are also battling the rise of encrypted technologies that are making it easier to distribute dangerous propaganda and recruit to their cause.

I commend the work overseen by the Department of Home Affairs to combat a number of these challenges through the countering violent extremism program, which is a joint initiative of all Australian governments. The focus of CVE centres on working with communities to build resistance to extremist ideologies and works by engaging with communities to support diversion, build resistance against radicalisation and rehabilitate and reintegrate those who have left violent extremist groups.

Elected representatives also have a responsibility to call out dangerous rhetoric that may give rise to dangerous right-wing extremism in our communities. Sadly, as we've seen in the US and as we're seeing playing out in Europe right now, when those in positions of power and privilege play on the anger and mistrust of their constituencies, they embolden disenfranchised individuals by creating an enemy out of migrants and/or minority groups. Does this sound familiar? There is no doubt that history is repeating in ways that we didn't think were possible 10 or 15 years ago. I call on parliamentarians to consider our words and actions carefully. They do have impact and consequences. We should be seeking to protect and enhance our institutions and systems of democracy—talking them up, not talking them down, and, where we can, making them better. We have a duty to protect Australia and Australians from right-wing extremism. There is more for us to do. I thank the member for Spence, again, for moving this motion.

Peter Khalil (Wills, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I also thank the member for Spence for moving this very important motion because in the recent period we have seen an increase in the presence of far-right extremism. It's been observed around the world, not just in Australia. That shift has also been reflected in the threat assessments that our intelligence agencies have been making with respect to putting more resources into addressing far-right extremism.

In my home state of Victoria we've seen, in recent years, Neo-Nazis marching openly in the Grampians. We've seen them spewing hatred in front of the Victorian parliament. We know, all too well, that this extremism often goes far beyond marches and demonstrations as well. It's insidious. Only a handful of years ago our friends across the Tasman Sea saw the horrific consequences of far-right terrorism in the form of the Christchurch mosque shootings.

We know with the Nazis and Neo-Nazism that their fascist ideology is built on the hatred, the ignorance, the violence and the discrimination against people of various and different identities. Whether it be their race, their religion, their gender or their sexuality, it's all part of their ideological playbook to pick a minority, manipulate misunderstanding and ignorance and try and sow hatred, division and fear within the community. It's about dividing. It's an ideology that really poses a very serious and real threat to our wellbeing, our way of life and our national security.

That's why our intelligence agencies and law enforcement recognise far-right extremism for the threat that it is. The AFP, for example, has stated that right-wing extremism has been spreading across the country, particularly in our rural and regional areas. In 2021 the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation—ASIO—noted that roughly half of its priority caseload consisted of far-right threats. Across the board these institutions have worked diligently to disrupt a number of plots that could have resulted in lethal consequences for innocent Australians.

The AFP has advised that the rise in far-right violence is, in large part, aided by the ease with which extremists can spread their material online. Much like Daesh, these groups use the internet as a recruiting tool, picking out those who they view to be susceptible to their vile belief systems and vulnerable to those ideas. So it's important that our security agencies play a role in addressing all of those threats across the board. That's why the Albanese government is committed to providing them with the resources they need to protect Australians.

We're also undertaking a wide-ranging cybersecurity review to assess and develop solutions to the challenges posed by online extremism. But we also know that far-right extremists often try to manipulate, as I said, people within the community to sow discord. So we all have a role to play; we all must play our part.

We often see that the rise of the far right also occurs in the context of social and economic inequality and socioeconomic disadvantage. That disadvantage, anger and frustration is manipulated by these groups for their own advantage. As a government we are committed to addressing that disadvantage while also equipping our intelligence agencies to tackle the threats that far-right extremism poses. It's got to be a whole-of-government focus, not just of the intelligence and security agencies but right across the board, because it's about addressing inequality. It's about addressing the issues that make people ripe for exploitation. That is so fundamental to our social cohesion as a nation.

We should make no mistake here. We cannot afford to become complacent with respect to this issue and this risk. History shows us what the consequences of failure look like. We know the ultimate aim of these groups is sinister, destructive and insidious. They want to break down the very foundations of a pluralistic, diverse, democratic society. That's their goal. They want to replace it—by force if they can—with one that subjugates those they view as inferior. Their whole ideology is based on a hierarchy of those who are superior and those who are inferior, based on identity.

We talk a lot about multiculturalism in this country and the diversity of our nation. I've always said that multiculturalism is a strength of our nation. That's very true. But we know now that there are many people in those groups that seek to divide us based on our identity, differences and diversity. Safeguarding Australia's highest held ideals of democracy, and the diversity that makes us who we are, is so necessary to preserve our cultural identity, our economic stability and our national security. At all levels, from the individual to the community groups to the federal and state governments, we have to come together to acknowledge the threat that far-right extremism poses to us as a people and ensure that it is not allowed to take a foothold in this great nation.

Zoe Daniel (Goldstein, Independent) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I thank the member for Spence for this motion. It's only a few weeks since pupils from a college in the Goldstein electorate were threatened by a knife carrying assailant shouting anti-Semitic abuse as they headed home from school. Not long before that, I was informed of the circulation in Goldstein and Kooyong of a Neo-Nazi flyer laden with anti-Semitism and vilifying current and former MPs with language redolent of the catchphrases of the Nazism of Germany in the 1930s and 40s. But, as the AFP informed my office, the behaviour of extremist organisations and actors is very hard to source because many of the actors are very sophisticated in covering their tracks.

Violent extremism is becoming more widespread, more complex and more nebulous, driven by online actors' accessibility to exploit and activate feelings of exclusion, alienation and resentment. The digital landscape enables people to not just spout extremism but interact with each other and seduce those vulnerable to their arguments. There is a danger in pointing the finger at one cohort in the community, reflected in ASIO's 2021 decision to talk more broadly about religiously motivated violent extremism and ideologically motivated violent extremists rather than labels like Right and Left, which ASIO chief, Mike Burgess, said often distract from the real nature of the thread.

There is also another 'disturbing development', as Burgess put it, in last year's threat assessment: the proliferation of extremist content online means individuals are radicalising very quickly, in days and weeks, so the time between flash to bang is shorter than ever. As Lydia Khalil, the Lowy Institute's project director of Digital Threats to Democracy Project put it in a submission to the inquiry into extremist movements and radicalism in Australia conducted in the last parliament:

… conspiratorial movements or individuals who believe in a conspiracy and are connected online, are now emerging as a standalone domestic extremist threat.

Khalil quotes the FBI as stating:

Anti-government, identity-based, and fringe political conspiracy theories very likely will emerge, spread, and evolve in the modern information marketplace over the near term…occasionally driving both groups and individuals to commit criminal or violent acts.

The 6 January US Capitol insurrection is a most telling example. AVERT, a multidisciplinary research initiative at Deakin University, argues that 6 January clearly demonstrated how a networked online conspiracy movement can migrate from the online environment to cause real-world harm and to radicalise individuals to violence.

Our mainstream media has a role and responsibility here too. As a foreign correspondent in the US, I observed first hand these disturbing developments gathering pace and traction. As I and my co-author, Roscoe Whalan, noted in our book about this very matter, violent white nationalism does not begin with Donald Trump, but his failure to fully condemn it fans century-old racial hatred that festered during the eight years of the Obama administration. The Center on Extremism estimated that right wing extremists were responsible for 90 per cent of extremist killings in the US in 2019. But, if ASIO is right, extremists don't fit into neat Right, Left or indeed religious boxes. The two examples I noted at the start of this speech are among dozens I could have cited. The recent murders of two Queensland police officers and an innocent neighbour is the most recent tragic example here in Australia. In that case, the perpetrators claimed Christian faith.

Neo-Nazis with their Hitler salutes infiltrating public events are another increasingly visible warning. The recent display on the steps of the Victorian parliament was a disgrace. I welcomed the Tasmanian government's recent decision to ban the Nazi salute, the first jurisdiction in Australia to do so, and Victoria has moved to follow suit. Before too long, we'll be debating legislation to ban hate symbols nationwide. Whether the legislation goes far enough is another question. The Executive Council of Australian Jewry, for example, argues that the federal legislation should follow the Tasmanian example and prescribe the public performance of Nazi salutes and similar gestures as well as a broader ban on trading in Nazi memorabilia. I do hope this is addressed in the current inquiry into the legislation.

Free speech is not hate speech, and hate speech should not be defended as such. The two things are very different and should be called out, as should extremism and those who fan it for their own ends.

Zaneta Mascarenhas (Swan, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Firstly, welcome back to members and staff. It's great to be back in Canberra at the start of spring with slightly warmer weather. Spring is the symbol of a new beginning and a hope that, as a parliament and as a country, we embrace its promise of new beginnings and growth—a new beginning for Australia to grow as a nation and to vote next month for constitutional recognition for our First Nations Aussies, a new beginning that embraces diversity, respect and tolerance, and a new beginning that celebrates Australia's multicultural community. That is why it's important to stand here today and speak on the rise of right-wing extremism in Australia.

I commend the member for Spence for bringing this motion to the chamber for debate. I share his concerns about the significant increase in far-right extremism and extremist activities in Australia. A rise in right-wing extremist ideology and activities is a matter of concern for our nation. Australia is not immune to the influence of right-wing extremists, thanks to the reach of social media. Unfortunately, it rears its ugly head all too often in our community, online and sometimes on our TV. It's a shocking trend mirrored all around the world. The horrific Christchurch mosque shootings in 2019, where 51 Muslim worshippers lost their lives, further underscores the global reach of right-wing extremism as it incites white supremacists around the world. We were so shocked at this in my community that, as a result of the Christchurch massacre, we ran antiracism workshops with the Vic Park collective, the Islamic College and Star Street Uniting Church. It's something that needs to be called out.

In the United States of America just last week, a leader of the far-right Proud Boys received an 18-year prison sentence for his involvement in the attack on the US Capitol Hill in January 2021. This sentence marked the longest punishment handed down in this case thus far. During that attack 140 police officers were injured, and members of right-wing extremist group Proud Boys was seen inciting violence, coordinating attacks on law enforcement officers and leading other rioters to breach the Capitol building. New Zealand authorities have pointed to the unlinked but ideologically affiliated chapters of Proud Boys operating in Canada and Australia. The presiding judge in the US case rightly noted, 'If we don't have peaceful transfer in this country, we don't have anything.'

These events strike at the very heart of our democracy, our safety, law and order, and the integrity of our government. It underscores the pressing need for our parliament to take the rise of right-wing extremism with the utmost seriousness. Security forces have identified a direct link between the steady rise in right-wing extremism and the ready availability of violent extremist content online. Social media provides a dangerous platform for these toxic ideologies to infiltrate the minds of those vulnerable to such views, serving as a breeding ground for conspiracy theories rooted in their fear.

I recall seeing the shocking images out of Melbourne earlier this year—actions of a few inspired by hate, copying the actions of those abroad. The Victoria Let Women Speak event, a tour of speaking events which gives women a safe space to speak about things that matter to them, was gatecrashed by right-wing extremists who taunted them with Nazi salutes. These people were members of the National Socialist movement. They gave Nazi salutes, chanted 'white power' and yelled offensive slurs and held offensive banners. They marched down Spring Street, dressed in black uniforms and wearing black bucket hats. On the steps of the Victorian parliament, they stood in a line and performed the Nazi salute. This sickens me. This should sicken all Australians. The hurt and distress that would have caused those people at that event and those witnessing their actions is alarming. They must know that we, as leaders and decision-makers, will not stand for it. The Albanese Labor government stands to unite with all Australians, regardless of their identity. Diversity is one of our greatest strengths.

James Stevens (Sturt, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I thank the member for Spence for bringing this motion to the chamber. I absolutely concur with all the contributions that have been made so far. I want to touch on an additional point that this debate allows, which is the surprise I feel every year on 2 September—which was just two days ago—on the anniversary of the surrender of the Japanese aboard the USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay. The Japanese regime of the Second World War is one of the most significant examples of a right-wing extremist regime in the Asia-Pacific region, and, indeed, 2 September marked the end of the existential threat that they posed to the region we live in, including continental Australia. It surprises me that we don't make as significant an acknowledgement and commemoration of that event as, in my view, we should. We absolutely appropriately commemorate Anzac Day, as we acknowledge and commemorate at 11 am on 11 November.

In Europe, they commemorate Victory in Europe Day, as they should. It's something that is significant to us because Australians served in a significant capacity in the early stages of the European conflict, including my grandfather in North Africa at El Alamein. But he, like most Australians, came back after the fall of Singapore. That was the most significant point in Australian history that we felt was a very significant threat to our own continental integrity and the risk of invasion. We talk in this chamber about some of those individual conflicts, but it is a surprise to me that we don't mark 2 September. I don't think anyone who has looked at Australia and its history would be able to rationalise why it is that the conflict that threatened our nation the most of any conflict, that the end of that conflict is one that we don't take the opportunity to solemnly commemorate. We commemorate a lot of other things, but that one is a surprise.

I mention that in the context of this debate because that was a regime that was an extremist right-wing regime, and this motion appropriately talks about the important need to be ever-vigilant against ideologies that lead to things like Nazism. Of course, the actions of the Imperial Japanese forces in countries like China and Korea and on our own Australians, whether it was the Banka massacre, the prisoners in Changi or those on the Burma Railway, as we slowly but surely crawled up through the Asia-Pacific to Japan proper, and particularly the conflicts in Papua New Guinea, I think we can reflect on whether or not as a nation we could do a much better job of taking 2 September much more seriously than we do. We should commemorate it and talk about how important it was that we liberated our own nation and our region from the risk of ongoing Japanese dominance. That was on 2 September 1945, two days ago.

I will quickly conclude by reinforcing the comments that have been made in this debate about the growing antisemitism in our society and in no way suggesting that right-wing extremists are not utterly guilty of upholding those abhorrent views. Frankly, this is where the hard left and the hard right basically fuse together, and the hard left have some pretty appalling views when it comes to antisemitism and the state of Israel.

I think that antisemitism has always been seen as one of the most significant attributes of hard right-wing extremism and anywhere in our society where we see it we should always take the opportunity to call it out. I do that in this opportunity I am given, here in this debate. So, thank you to the member for Spence for bringing it to the Federation Chamber and thank you to all members who have contributed. I absolutely concur that we, as a parliament, and in our democracy we should always make sure that we are speaking up for and defending the tolerant society we are very proud to live in.

Rebekha Sharkie (Mayo, Centre Alliance) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.