Simon Birmingham (SA, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs) Share this | Hansard source

Pursuant to contingent notice standing in my name, I move:

That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me moving a motion to provide for the consideration of a matter, namely a motion to give precedence to a motion relating to the right of Israel to self-defence.

This is a motion that gives the Senate the opportunity to reaffirm Israel's inherent right to self-defence, whether attacked by Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran or any other sponsor of terrorism. I bring this motion because it is important for the Senate to make clear its position again. We can go back to the bipartisan motion passed by this parliament on 16 October, a bipartisan motion in which the parliament was clear, through the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the National Party and Independents—not the Australian Greens, I note—that Israel has an inherent right to self-defence. That inherent right to self-defence was not qualified that it only related to attacks from Hamas, but indeed, like any sovereign nation, particularly like any democratic friend and partner of ours, it should be respected as a right to self-defence whenever under attack from any terrorist organisation or any other nation. Whether it's Hamas, whether it's Hezbollah or whether it's Iran, the same principles should apply in the right to self-defence.

We bring this forward because of the extraordinary reports that suggest that the Albanese government has changed its position and has walked away from a clear-cut support of Israel's right to self-defence and qualified that in relation to attacks from Hezbollah. Let us remember that this is the Labor Party who went to the last election promising Australia's Jewish communities, promising Australians and promising partners around the world that there was no division between the major parties in relation to Australia's support for Israel and that it was not conditional upon who won the election. That is what this government said, and yet, time and again since, they have been seen to change Australia's position.

They have changed Australia's longstanding bipartisan position in relation to recognition of Palestinian statehood, a position that had previously been clear of support for a two-state solution that should only occur as a part of a final settlement of a two-state solution in which each state lives in peace and security within internationally recognised borders. They have changed Australia's position in voting at the United Nations, voting explicitly for a UN motion recognising a state of Palestine and calling for it to be admitted as a member of the UN in direct contradiction to the longstanding bipartisan position of Australia. They have unilaterally changed Australia's position in numerous ways and numerous UN votes over their two years in office.

But then, remarkably, these acts have continued and indeed escalated in pace since October 7. Let us never forget that October 7 saw the single largest murdering and slaughtering of Jews in the world on a single day since the Holocaust. And it has been a tragedy. It was a tragedy then, and it's been a tragedy every day since then—the deaths that have occurred, innocent deaths, innocent lives, innocent Jewish citizens, innocent Israeli citizens and innocent Palestinians—