Jacinta Nampijinpa Price (NT, Country Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Indigenous Australians) Share this | Hansard source

Today's formalities have historically occurred on the anniversary of the apology to the stolen generations. I acknowledge that that day is significant for those who may already be here in Canberra or who will be coming to Canberra in the coming days to mark the anniversary. I also acknowledge the new neglected generation of children, who are being left to languish in dysfunctional circumstances simply because of their race. It is an absolute crime, and make no mistake: there will be a day when those children demand an explanation as to why they were allowed to be overlooked in the way that they are.

Today's report contains a lot of information, but it's also important to highlight what is missing. In July 2024, the Productivity Commission highlighted two crucial areas of reform. First, there is the need for an agreed approach to measure the implementation of the four priority reforms. Second, there is the lack of a reliable data source to assess whether Indigenous communities have access to clean drinking water, sewage treatment, and electricity. The recommendations are emblematic of the failings of the current approach, with ineffective governance, poor information and practical necessities not a priority. It was disappointing that neither of these reforms were properly addressed in the list of essential action in the 2024-25 implementation plan.

I turn to the data, the Closing the gap: annual data compilation report July 2024 showed only five of the 19 targets are on track to being met. It was a grim report, and the data relating to the Northern Territory was especially concerning, as the Territory is home to many of the most marginalised Indigenous Australians. The data was released the same week I attended a funeral for a much-loved young Indigenous man in the Territory who had committed suicide. This report is not just about statistics; every number is a precious life. That's why we must do more to protect them.

Clearly, the current approach is not working. We are now half way through this national agreement, and it is overdue for review because, despite how much closing-the-gap data is used to inform policy and conversation, it is incomplete. The data is lacking, firstly, because it isn't broken down by geographic area, age or sex, so it doesn't accurately tell us, beyond a state or territory level, locations with the highest need.

The data is also lacking on increasing box-tickers—that is, self-identifying Indigenous Australians whose ties to Indigeneity are tenuous at best or non-existent at worse. Wiradjuri woman Suzanne Ingram noted that, in the 2016 census, 40,000 people ticked the Indigenous and Torres Strait Islander box for the first time, the majority of them from eastern states or urban locations. The growth of box-tickers is skewing the data, but this government are too cowardly to call it out for fear of being called racist. Aside from causing data deficiencies, the box-tickers are skewing our policy conversations as opinions of box-ticking elites are often favoured over true Indigenous knowledge holders. This is a serious problem. It's contaminating the data and the policies we create, and marginalised Indigenous Australians ultimately suffer.

I hear from those opposite that they want to end Indigenous disadvantage, but, in reality, Anthony Albanese would prefer to distract everyone with cash splash announcements instead of real solutions.

If they truly want to end Indigenous disadvantage, they must redirect their priorities to things that really matter, like economic independence. The private sector holds a wealth of opportunities for marginalised Indigenous Australians and can be a pathway out of a life of disadvantage. I've seen it in Alice Springs. The Leader of the Opposition, Peter Dutton, has taken time to see it also. I encourage the Prime Minister to do the same. The coalition knows economic independence and private enterprise are vital to enabling marginalised Indigenous Australians to stand on their own two feet. We also know that land councils, especially in the Northern Territory, can be a barrier to economic independence. That is why we will support traditional owners who want to form breakaway, language based land councils. We must encourage those who want to develop their land for things like tourism, cattle stations or mining instead of keeping them dependent on government welfare.

In addition to encouraging economic development, the government must address the bureaucracy that is suffocating meaningful change. Last week I attended a briefing with the Minister for Indigenous Australians. It was disappointing, to say the least, because every question about accountability was met with what can only be described as babushka doll responses. The national framework for Closing the Gap has no single person in charge. On paper, the co-chairs are in charge. Further, government funding is disbursed to myriad departments, despite one agency supposedly being in charge. But ultimately, according to the minister, the cabinet is responsible. It is a system without accountability, which is unacceptable in a system where the buck should stop with the minister.

Another problem is that there are too many bodies in this space for it to be effective. The Coalition of Peaks are somehow meant to represent 80 peak organisations, and then each of those peak organisations can represent hundreds of further organisations. At the briefing, we were told in all sincerity that this was an effective way for grassroots opinions to have a seat at the table. That proposition is absurd. It's no wonder our marginalised are remaining and becoming further entrenched in disadvantage. To tackle the bureaucracy and lack of accountability, the coalition, if elected, will undertake an audit of Indigenous expenditure. The national expenditure on Indigenous Australians has not been accounted for since 2015-16 let alone properly assessed for duplication and effectiveness. Along with a parliamentary inquiry into land councils and statutory authorities, we will finally have a full, honest picture of Closing the Gap policies. We will know what is failing and what has been succeeding, what is being wasted and what is needed and who is being listened to and who is being silenced.

Aside from the bloated and unaccountable bureaucracy, the refusal by the government and Indigenous leaders to confront difficult issues is also hindering progress. One of the biggest areas of concern relates to the sexual abuse of Indigenous children in Indigenous communities. It's worth noting that, in his address today, the Prime Minister has failed to even mention the rates of sexual abuse suffered by Indigenous children. In contrast, the coalition has committed to holding a royal commission into sexual abuse in Indigenous communities. We know that SNAICC is opposed to this, shamefully. That doesn't mean it isn't needed. If we refuse to confront this, we have no hope of tackling the rising rates of youth incarceration and domestic and other forms of violence. Nationally, the rate of Indigenous children subjected to a substantiated child protection notification was 40.5 per 1,000. For non-Indigenous, it was 5.6 per 1,000. The contrast becomes starker when we look at the NT. In the context of 30 June 2023, Indigenous children were subject to child protection notification at a rate of 385.5 per 1,000, compared to 73.7 per 1,000 non-Indigenous children. Further, Indigenous children made up 89.1 per cent of substantiated investigations. The data relating to notifications of sexual abuse specifically is just as confronting. Nationally, the rate of sexual abuse for Indigenous children was 2.8 per 1,000 while, for non-Indigenous children, it was 0.5 per 1,000. In the Northern Territory, the rate of sexual abuse notifications for Indigenous children was 2.2 per 1,000, but for non-Indigenous children it was 0.2 per 1,000.

These numbers are appalling, and this is the only reported data. There is good reason to believe that much sexual abuse in communities goes unreported. So let me be clear: I will not mince my words, and I'm not afraid of being offensive when it is a matter of truth. I say to Indigenous leaders who refuse to acknowledge or believe any further investigation is warranted: you are failing those children; you are the ones causing them harm. If this was occurring elsewhere in our society, a royal commission would be demanded.

There's no question that things need to change. Our data collection must be improved. Box tickers must be stopped. The priorities must be directed to need not race. An audit must be undertaken, and accountability must be taken. (Time expired)