Kevin Rudd (Griffith, Australian Labor Party, Minister for Foreign Affairs) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

by leave—We live in an era of globalisation, an era when what happens somewhere else in the world—not just in our own backyard—has important implications for our future. The eyes of the world in recent weeks have been glued to events in North Africa and the Middle East.

There has been tectonic change. A major fault line has shifted. But it all began with a single man. A little over four months ago a 27-year-old Tunisian man called Tarek Muhammad Bouazizi, a street vendor, set himself on fire in protest at the confiscation of his wares and his treatment at the hands of a municipal official. It was this act, and the response of his fellow Tunisians, that set in train a series of revolutions which have rocked the region.

These developments have implications for Australia’s national security interests, our national economic interests, our international humanitarian interests, and our consular responsibilities. We share the hope of peoples across the Middle East that these efforts will result in pluralistic democracies.

But this is not guaranteed, and there is a risk that instability will create more space for the operation of militant Islamist and terrorist organisations. The potential radicalisation of governments in some countries may have broader geostrategic impacts. We are also concerned about Iran’s ambitions in the region. And we are concerned about prospects for peace in the Middle East. We are concerned about the possibility of an increase in unauthorised people movements from the region to other parts of the word as a consequence of instability in this region.

There are also important economic factors that could impact our national interests. Oil prices are increasing. Further instability will continue to drive up these prices. Of course, we are also concerned about the safety of Australian citizens in areas of unrest and instability. It is for these reasons, these national interests of ours and these national values of ours underpinning democracy and its development in other states, that Australia has key interests and key values at stake in what unfolds now in the Middle East.

I would like to update the House on recent developments in the region. In Libya, the world has been shocked by the attacks of the Gaddafi regime on its own people. The United Nations Security Council took firm action through UNSC Resolution 1973 mandating ‘all necessary measures’ to protect civilians from threat of attack by the Libyan regime.

The council also authorised a no-fly zone. It also strengthened international sanctions. And the referral to the International Criminal Court by the United Nations Security Council of regime members under the earlier UNSC Resolution 1970 remains in force. The Australian government has welcomed both these resolutions.

Resolution 1973 was adopted as Gaddafi’s forces were poised to attack Benghazi, a city of over 700,000 people, and when Gaddafi himself declared that he would ‘show no mercy’—his words: he would ‘show no mercy’. This is not a small town; this is a large city—700,000 people to whom he pledged to ‘show no mercy’.

We avoided the butchery of Benghazi as a consequence of the UN Security Council resolution and the implementation of that resolution by member states. At least we have avoided it for now though the situation remains highly fluid. However, in recent days we have also seen Gaddafi’s forces attack the western cities of Misurata, Zintan and Yafran. Despite their protestations that there is a ceasefire in place on the part of the Libyan regime, there has been further tragic loss of life.

Air strikes by international forces are making progress in putting an end to these attacks. But the situation, I emphasise, is highly fluid. The operation underway is complex and it is operationally difficult. The Australian government remains gravely concerned by the humanitarian situation and prospects of it worsening.

In recent days, I have spoken with the Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-Moon; the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Baroness Amos; the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Antonio Guterres; and the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Jakob Kellenberger.

Our concerns include the lack of access by these organisations to critical areas in Libya, food and medical supply lines, and safety for Libyans seeking to flee conflict areas. More than 320,000 people have fled Libya since mid-February.

The Australian government is doing what we can to assist this crisis. We have committed over $15 million and now stand as the third-largest donor overall, behind the United States and the European Union. We remain prepared to commit further as the situation unfolds. Libya’s future is uncertain.

The Australian government, together with our key partners around the world, have been united in our call for Gaddafi to step down. He has lost legitimacy, he has violated international law, he has turned on his own people. The goal of the UNSC-mandated intervention is protection of civilians. Enforcement of the no-fly zone is making progress. The UN has imposed an arms embargo and a range of sanctions. Australia has imposed our own autonomous travel and financial sanctions against the regime. The international community is working to cut off oil revenue flows to the Gaddafi regime and is freezing the overseas assets of its members.

The opposition movement in Libya is strengthening But further loss of life is, regrettably, likely. And again I emphasise: the days that lie ahead will be uncertain with many diplomatic and military challenges before us. This is the tragic consequence of Gaddafi’s brutality.

Egypt is already undertaking the long and slow process of political reform. On Saturday Egyptians voted overwhelmingly in favour of amendments to the constitution which will broaden the field for presidential nominees. Significantly more Egyptians turned out to vote in this referendum than have in most elections in Egypt in past decades put together—a testimony to the commitment of the Egyptian people to remain engaged and active in the political reform process which now unfolds before them.

Egypt will undoubtedly need help as it undertakes this difficult process. Presidential and parliamentary elections are still to be held, and all are to be held by the end of September. Egypt also has a weakened economy will need assistance to recover.

Australia and the rest of the international community stand ready to support Egypt where it needs support most. We are already exploring assistance to Egypt in the areas of food security and agriculture and through various other programs of the World Bank. These were discussed in detail in my recent visits to Cairo, both with then foreign minister Abul Ghait and with his replacement, new foreign minister Nabil El Araby.

Australia stands ready to assist and we are seeking to do so in a coordinated fashion, both with the European Union through Baroness Ashton and through the non-EU states, the other democracies around our region and the rest of the world. We stand ready to assist as Egypt is at a critical turning point for its future.

Tunisia is also undertaking a breathtaking program of political and economic reform. During my visit to Tunisia earlier this month—the first ever, I am advised, by an Australian foreign minister—I reinforced to Tunisia’s interim government that Australia stands ready to support Tunisia as it moves to enhance the political, economic and social rights of its people.

What happens in Tunisia will have important symbolic value across the rest of the Arab world, as well as being of more than symbolic value to the Tunisian people themselves. This is where this people’s movement began, in Tunisia, how it therefore unfolds, with the institutional responses to the pressures for democratic reform from its people, watched closely by the other Arab states of the wider region.

I encouraged the important steps already taken by the interim government of Tunisia, including freeing political prisoners, allowing freedom of expression, and adhering to international human rights conventions.

Australia is already exploring areas to support Tunisia’s reform process including electoral assistance and in the area of dryland farming. I confirmed this in my meetings with the Prime Minister Beji Caid Essebsi and Foreign Minister Mohamed Mouldi Kefi during my recent visit.

Australia is gravely concerned about the deteriorating political and security situation in Yemen. Rolling popular protests over the past two months have been met with a brutal response by the government of President Saleh, resulting in more than 70 deaths and hundreds wounded since January.

Australia condemns the large-scale use of lethal force against protestors and has continued to urge President Saleh and his government to exercise maximum restraint and to seek every means possible to achieve a peaceful resolution of the crisis through dialogue.

The resignations of senior government figures, including military commanders, government ministers and ambassadors in protest at the 18 March killings, and President Saleh’s subsequent sacking of his cabinet, underline the gravity of the political and security crisis facing Yemen.

Australia is concerned that recent efforts at reform announced by President Saleh’s government may have come too late and that the window for dialogue is fast closing. President Saleh has reportedly agreed to a plan put to him by an opposition member, which would see him step down at the end of 2011, and has committed to the implementation of constitutional and electoral reform. The main opposition is deeply sceptical of President Saleh’s commitment to reform and continues to demand his immediate resignation.

The deteriorating situation in Yemen has attracted wide international concern. The Arab League has condemned ‘crimes against civilians’ in Yemen and urged the Yemeni government to deal with the protestors’ demands peacefully. Canada, the United States, the European Union, Britain, France and the United Nations Secretary-General have all condemned the violence against protestors, calling on the Yemeni government to respect the right to peaceful expression of political opinion and to embrace reform.

This widespread concern reflects the clear strategic stake the international community, including Australia, has in a stable, peaceful and unified Yemen, in which the people of that country also have their say in the future direction of their government and their country. Yemen, a poor and populous country with few natural resources and a long history of tribal based conflict, faces a number of longstanding and major economic, social and political challenges.

Yemen is also one of the front-line states in the fight against terrorism. A politically stable and economically strong Yemen is essential for combating terrorism in, and emanating from, the Arabian peninsula. Yemen’s geography, poor infrastructure and tribal networks have enabled al-Qaeda linked terrorists to operate in and from Yemen for over a decade. Bombings in East Africa as early as 1998 had Yemeni links.

Prolonged political instability in Yemen has the potential to divert security forces from their efforts in countering terrorism and create fertile ground for the terrorist organisations there to flourish in the future. The absence of a well-functioning government will serve to further entrench the terrorists’ freedom of action and their possible enmeshment with opposition political forces. The task, therefore, of political reform in Yemen is needed. It is complex and compounded by longstanding operations within that country of internationally active terrorist organisations. But reform must proceed.

The Australian government is deeply concerned by ongoing clashes in Syria, in particular in the southern city of Dara’a. In recent days in Dara’a at least 10 people—and possibly many more—have reportedly been killed by security forces of the Syrian regime. Overnight, Syrian forces reportedly fired on demonstrators who had gathered in and around the Omari mosque in Dara’a. Unconfirmed reports indicate that at least six people were killed in this incident. As UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and EU High Representative Ashton have said, the use of such lethal force against peaceful demonstrators in Syria is unacceptable. Syrian authorities must exercise all restraint in responding to peaceful protest activity. Claims by Syrian authorities that the demonstrations are being perpetrated by armed gangs are just not credible.

Syria has been ruled under emergency laws since 1963. Understandably, the people of Syria are calling for greater freedom and for greater political reform. Australia supports peaceful efforts towards democratic reform in Syria as elsewhere in the Arab world and as elsewhere across the world. Australia, therefore, urges the Syrian government to respond to the legitimate aspirations of the people of Syria and to pursue a course of dialogue and reform with them.

Bahrain has returned to relative calm in recent days following the security crackdown against protestors last week under a three-month state of high safety declared by the king on 15 March. I spoke to the Bahraini foreign minister, Sheikh Khalid, on 20 March to register the Australian government’s concern about the recent violence against protestors and the denial of their right to peaceful protest. This followed my meeting with Sheikh Khalid on 8 March during my visit to Abu Dhabi for the Australia-Gulf Cooperation Council Foreign Ministers Strategic Dialogue. Noting the deployment of GCC security forces into Bahrain, I called for the exercise of maximum restraint by the authorities—these forces coming from a combination of Saudi Arabia, in terms of military forces, and the United Arab Emirates in terms of police forces—and their continuing commitment to a process of genuine and inclusive national dialogue towards further political reform.

I also suggested that Bahrain invite a global NGO, such as Amnesty International, to come in and inspect its activities if the international community is to maintain confidence in the actions of the Bahraini government into the future. Sheikh Khalid stated that the Bahraini government continued to pursue dialogue with the opposition and that the GCC forces were in Bahrain to protect infrastructure only and that physical policing of the Bahraini people would be done by the Bahraini forces themselves.

The security situation in Bahrain is also complicated by the actions of Iran in support of the Shia population in Bahrain—with Iran still publicly claiming Bahrain as Iran’s 12th province.

The Australian government remains concerned about prospects for the Middle East peace process. The Australian government condemns the bus bombing in Jerusalem on 23 March which killed one person and injured many more, as well as the recent rocket and mortar attacks from Gaza into Israel. There is no justification for terrorism of any kind. The government has also expressed Australia’s sincere condolences for the Palestinian civilians in Gaza killed on 22 March. Attacks on civilians are unacceptable under any circumstances, and the Australian government strongly urges all parties to exercise restraint and avoid a further escalation of violence.

Australia strongly supports a negotiated two-state solution that allows a secure and independent Israel to live side-by-side with a secure and independent future Palestinian state. Violence such as that seen in recent days undermines prospects for a negotiated two-state solution. Both sides must negotiate urgently on final status issues, and refrain from actions which undermine trust, including settlement construction and terrorist attacks, which are not helpful to the peace process. These matters have been the subject of a series of discussions I have had over the last three months with Israeli and Palestinian Authority leaders both in Ramallah and in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.

Just as the beginning of these protests and revolutions could not be predicted, neither can their end. The future of the region is unclear. The people of Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and other countries, have called for a better future—a future with greater economic opportunity, greater political freedoms and greater respect for human rights. The end result of their efforts is yet to be determined.

There are also risks that some leaders of political movements may praise the principles of democratic revolution only to obtain power and later move to suspend these democratic freedoms once obtained. Mindful of these risks, the process of political reform must nonetheless be embraced in response to the legitimate aspirations of the Arab peoples for democracy.

There are also risks that economic reforms will be slow to deliver prosperity, and the aspirations for better employment and higher wages will be slow to realise. While there is a common demand across the region for greater political, economic and social freedoms, the situation in each country will vary greatly. Each country’s democratic evolution will try and be different.

The Australian government hold that democracy is a universal principle, consistent with the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1976. Australian diplomacy will continue to be active in the region—consistent with our national values, consistent with our national interests and articulated through the practice of creative middle power diplomacy.

These have been difficult and dangerous times also for Australian citizens living in the region—and I urge all of them to keep abreast of travel advisories both in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world, including of course in Japan. Our diplomats and consular staff have performed in the best traditions of the Australian foreign service. I take this opportunity in the parliament to commend each and every one of them, each of our ambassadors in the region and their associated staff for assisting with consular evacuations and ongoing liaison with Australian citizens, often in the most difficult, dangerous and complex of circumstances. These diplomats, these consular officials, are great representatives of Australia, and the House should commend them for their courage and their professionalism.

We face difficult, dangerous and unpredictable times ahead in the Middle East and beyond. The Australian government will remain seized of events as they unfold and will be active in our diplomacy in working with the rest of the international community to advance the interests of the peoples of the region and the great cause of democracy as well as assisting where we can in the legitimate economic needs and economic development needs of the peoples of the region.

I ask leave of the House to move a motion to enable the member for Curtin to speak for up to 19 minutes.

Leave granted.

I move:

That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent the member for Curtin speaking in reply to my statement for a period not exceeding 19 minutes.

Question agreed to.

Ms Julie Bishop (Curtin, Liberal Party, Deputy Leader of the Opposition) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Historically, the Middle East has been of significance to Australia’s national interests. Since the late 19th century, when New South Wales sent a contingent to Sudan, that part of the world has been strategically important to Australia. That remains the case. Events in the Middle East and North Africa continue to unfold rapidly, and no-one can predict the outcome.

The past week has seen the United Nations Security Council endorse the imposition of a no-fly zone over Libya, which is currently beset by what some describe as a civil war, with forces loyal to Colonel Gaddafi in the west and opposition to Colonel Gaddafi centred in the east. The complexity of the situation within Libya has led to concerns about how the country will eventually recover from this crisis and what type of government will emerge if we assume that Colonel Gaddafi, the brutal dictator, relinquishes or is removed from power. That itself is uncertain. There are disturbing reports from within Libya that Colonel Gaddafi continues to direct forces against the civilian population of Libya, further revealing his true character and the utterly illegitimate nature of his rule.

The mission to establish a no-fly zone has been led by the United States, with the support of several other nations, including France and the United Kingdom. President Obama has made it clear that he expects NATO to take overall command of the military action as quickly as possible; however, there are concerning reports of differing views within NATO that have delayed that process. It is in the interests of maintaining the integrity of the United Nations Security Council resolution and the broader interests of the region and the world for the NATO allies to resolve any differences.

Having fought hard to establish a no-fly zone over Libya, the international community is facing the danger of becoming bogged down over the question of what comes next. I note the comments of Senator Richard Lugar, a key member of the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He has criticised the Obama administration for embarking on an open-ended military campaign with no end game in sight.

Should Colonel Gaddafi refuse to cede power, which is increasingly likely, nations imposing the no-fly zone and those who advocated its imposition will face a difficult dilemma. Whilst he remains in control of military forces, Colonel Gaddafi is unlikely to accept short of complete control over the entire country and the rebels are also unlikely to accept any situation that allows Colonel Gaddafi to regroup. The deep fear is that Libya is heading for protracted civil war from which the international community will struggle to extricate itself.

According to STRATFOR Global Intelligence, Colonel Gaddafi’s forces are likely to retain considerable strength even without the armour or artillery destroyed by the air strikes. The westward advance of rebel forces will be slowed by Gaddafi’s army, which is likely to dig in around Libya’s urban centres. There has been little sign to date that the rebels have been able to form into an organised military force.

President Obama has said that Gaddafi must go. The United Kingdom Defence Secretary, Liam Fox, has said that Gaddafi himself was a legitimate target. It is clear from these statements that regime change is a tacit goal of the United States and the United Kingdom at least, although not expressly articulated in the United Nations Security Council resolution.

Without a clear sense of direction, the international community may find itself drifting towards the undesirable outcome where it has to consider supporting an autonomous region in East Libya. This would require not only an ongoing no-fly zone over Libya but considerable economic and military aid packages to a fledgling government. France has already taken a step down this path, recognising the Transitional National Council as the legitimate government of Libya. There are also concerns over the composition of the opposition.

Military intervention to protect civilians in Libya is also a matter of taking sides. According to STRATFOR, the international community is ‘supporting a diverse and sometimes mutually hostile group of tribes and individuals bound together by hostility to Gaddafi and not much else’.

Having gone into Libya, the international community must now decide in what circumstances and under what conditions it will get out. What is the exit strategy? The Arab League, having called for the intervention and with its support for the resolution being integral to its endorsement, must take a leading role in determining the outcome. The key challenges are faced by not only the nations imposing the no-fly zone but also those who strongly urged such action, including the Australian government and most particularly Foreign Minister Rudd.

While military action in Libya has dominated news coverage, another crisis has been rapidly developing in Yemen. Protests have been under way in that country since late January, with tens of thousands of people taking to the streets of the capital San’a and other cities. There had been ongoing violence between security forces and protesters; however, the situation escalated rapidly after more than 50 people were killed last weekend. This led to defections and resignations from within the regime of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, greatly increasing the potential for the nation to descend into civil war. There were reports of a tense stand-off between military units on the streets of the capital.

After weeks of refusing to countenance any transition from power, the President is now reported to have agreed to stand aside peacefully and has accepted a plan for that process that includes the formation of a national unity government, constitutional reform, electoral reform and presidential elections this year. It remains to be seen whether the majority of protesters will accept this agreement and whether they will leave the streets and allow the country to regain some semblance of normality.

Meanwhile, it is reported that Saudi Arabia’s government has urged President Saleh to leave, and the kingdom is helping to manage the transition, including the hosting of a conference for Yemeni tribal leaders, political party representatives and government officials. Against the backdrop of these negotiations there are reports of ongoing violence elsewhere in the country, with two protesters killed and nine injured in clashes in the southern province of Taiz.

Equally concerning are the reports that the Yemeni Houthi rebels, who have been in armed conflict with the government for years, have taken advantage of the disruption to take control of the northern province. At least 20 people have been reported killed in the fighting. The Shiah Houthi fighters are reported to have shot down a government MiG fighter jet during the conflict. Saudi Arabian security and military forces have also clashed repeatedly with Houthi forces over several years, and the Saudis have undertaken extensive military action against them along the Saudi-Yemeni border. This has included the bombing of Houthi strongholds in Yemen.

The situation within Yemen is volatile and unpredictable, and we continue to urge that calm heads prevail and a peaceful transition be achieved. It is not in the interests of the people of either Yemen or the rest of the world for the country to descend into chaos. That would only play into the hands of extremists. We must not forget that 23 former members of al-Qaeda escaped in 2006 from a Yemeni prison and founded al-Qaeda in Yemen, which later evolved into al-Qaeda in the Arabian peninsula. This group was behind the attempted bombing of a passenger jet over the United States on Christmas Day 2009. Al-Qaeda in the Arabian peninsula is regarded as one of the most dangerous and active al-Qaeda affiliates, and we must not doubt its ability to use the upheaval in Yemen to its own nefarious advantage.

The situation in the tiny kingdom of Bahrain remains tense in the wake of the decision of the government to demolish the Pearl Monument, around which protesters had gathered for weeks. While the crackdown that accompanied the demolition of the monument managed to clear the protesters, it appears that the situation is only temporary. There are reports that activists are planning for a day of protest tomorrow targeting at least nine locations, including the airport and the hospital. The kingdom is particularly volatile due to tensions between the 70 per cent Shiah population and the 30 per cent Sunni population who make up the ruling class and the royal family. A major concern is that the upheaval is being encouraged or worse by Iran and that Bahrain has become a proxy battle ground for influence between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

European Union foreign policy officials have warned of a downward economic spiral and an escalation in the proxy conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Bahrain may be a small island kingdom, but its strategic importance is significant as the host of the United States 5th Fleet. Forces from Saudi Arabia are currently in Bahrain, ostensibly to protect key infrastructure, while Kuwait has deployed naval vessels to the kingdom for what has been described by Kuwaiti officials as ‘part of the peninsula shield forces defending Bahrain’. Given that there are now no external forces threatening Bahrain, this would indicate a desire to defend Bahrain from internal forces. The great fear is that, if the Shiah are successful in toppling the Sunni government in Bahrain, it would greatly enhance Iranian influence in the region and embolden Shiah minorities within the other countries of the region, most notably Saudi Arabia.

Disconcertingly for the West, the Shiah minorities of Saudi Arabia tend to live in the regions which hold the bulk of the nation’s enormous oil reserves. Unrest in those regions would send shock waves through the world economy. There have already been reports of small protests in Saudi Arabia with calls for the release of Shiah clerics and other prisoners. The world is watching developments in Saudi Arabia with great trepidation, revealing the sensitivities surrounding events in Bahrain. Nonetheless, we urge the Bahraini king to forsake armed crackdowns on his own people and to undertake negotiations in good faith to advance the cause of democracy and human rights in his tiny kingdom.

Unrest continues to ferment in other nations of the region. There are disturbing reports of deadly violence having been used against protests in nations such as Syria. There have been reports overnight of Syrian security forces shooting and killing four people near a mosque during a funeral for people who were killed while staging recent antigovernment protests. We continue to urge governments to show restraint and allow people to protest peacefully. The situation in Jordan also remains fluid after widespread protests led to the king sacking the government and replacing the Prime Minister on 2 February. Opposition groups are reportedly growing impatient at the slow pace of reform since that time. King Abdullah II has ordered the new government to act quickly in enacting political and economic reforms and is clearly worried about the potential fallout should the protesters lose faith in the process.

Egypt has taken significant steps as it emerges from under the fist of the Mubarak regime. Almost 80 per cent of Egyptians who voted in a recent referendum supported a range of constitutional changes, including limits on presidential terms. This is a huge step forward for a nation struggling to build new democratic institutions and to unify the nation after the dramatic events that ultimately led to President Mubarak resigning and then fleeing Cairo. Egypt is regarded as hugely influential in the region given its population and strategic importance, including the global economic significance of the Suez Canal. It is also one of the few nations of the region that has a formal peace treaty with Israel.

After Tunisia, where protests first erupted, Egypt was the first major nation to experience widespread protests and the first where those protests toppled the President. With Egypt taking what appear to be constructive and peaceful steps towards political reform, we must remain hopeful that other nations will be inspired by its example. It is too early to judge what will emerge as Egypt’s ruling structure following elections, and concerns linger about the Muslim Brotherhood, which is steadily taking a more prominent role. However, there is hope that the universal human desire for greater freedom which motivated the original protests will triumph in Egypt and in other nations.

I join with the foreign minister in commending the Australian consular staff for their professionalism and their calm approach to dangerous and devastating situations that have arisen in North Africa and the Middle East. People talk optimistically of an ‘Arab spring’, but the situation country-by-country is fraught with danger for the whole international community. It cannot be assumed that many of the participants in these protests and conflicts have the same respect for democracy, freedom, the rule of law and human rights that we so value.

Debate interrupted.