Anthony Albanese (Grayndler, Australian Labor Party, Shadow Minister for Infrastructure and Transport) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

It was my great honour to be asked by the Gietzelt family last Thursday to speak at the state memorial service for the late the Honourable Arthur Thomas Gietzelt AO. It was a remarkable send-off, chaired by Arthur's great friend former Senator Bruce Childs. I was also honoured to be in the presence of those who spoke about Arthur's contribution to this nation: the former Prime Minister Bob Hawke, who described Arthur as the best Minister for Veterans' Affairs that Australia has had; Senator John Faulkner; Rear Admiral Ken Doolan, the National President of the RSL; Dennis McHugh, the President of Sutherland District Trade Union Club; Mark Buttigieg, a former Sutherland Shire councillor; members of Arthur's own family; along with John Schumann and others from Redgum, who gave Arthur's memorial service a lighter touch but also a very important one indeed.

When it comes to politics, history tells no lies. At the end of a long career, once you strip away the rhetoric, the greatest legacy of a parliamentarian lies in what he or she achieved for average Australians and whether the world is left a better place for their political contribution. The world is indeed a better place for Arthur Gietzelt's contribution. Arthur Gietzelt achieved a great deal for his community and for the Labor Party in the cause of progressive politics and this nation. His story is one of passionate and principled conviction; of standing up for what he believed was right and refusing to back down when the going got tough. While his work improved life for his contemporaries, much of his activism was way ahead of his time.

Arthur was a trailblazer who had the courage to pursue positions that, in his own era, were not always fashionable, but Arthur was usually on the right side of history. I was reminded of this just a fortnight ago when I went to see the new film about the life of Nelson Mandela—perhaps the greatest political figure of my lifetime. If you asked the young people who were there that night, I am sure many of them would think that support for the cause of the African National Congress was a consensus position in the 1970s—that it was a given. The fact is it was not. Many political figures were indifferent or even hostile to sanctions against the apartheid regime and indeed were strident critics of Nelson Mandela and his comrades. They were opposed to sanctions. They argued that this would have an impact on commerce or international sporting fixtures, which were seen by some as being more important than the dignity of the human race. Not Arthur. As mayor of the Sutherland Shire, he led his colleagues to ban the involvement of racially selected competitors in surf lifesaving contests on the shire's beautiful beaches. This was years before sporting sanctions became widespread. Faced with the battle for racial justice and human rights, Arthur did not flinch, even after the bombing of his family home, where 17 sticks of gelignite were placed just metres from where Arthur and his wife slept on that evening. This was one of the few terrorist acts that have taken place on Australian soil. But Arthur Gietzelt had the courage to stand up and not flinch, as did all of his family. His wonderful wife and closest adviser, Dawn, and his children, Lee, Dale and Adam, always stood up to be counted.

Arthur brought the same passion to issues like gender equality, gay rights and protection of the environment. During these summer holidays, thousands of visitors flocked to Queensland's Fraser Island, a fishing and holiday nirvana that is a critical part of that state's tourism industry. Most would have been aware of Arthur's link to this wonderful environmental asset. In 1975, the federal Labor cabinet agreed to allow sandmining on the island. Arthur did not cop that. He was backed by the trade union movement including the ACTU's then leader, Bob Hawke, and Arthur led a backbench revolt. This was successful. Mining was banned, a lasting legacy as a result of political activism—in this case being prepared to stand up to those within his own political party who, I think everyone in the parliament now would agree, got it wrong.

Arthur Gietzelt would certainly agree with Mahatma Gandhi, who once said:

A 'No' uttered from the deepest conviction is better than a 'Yes' merely uttered to please, or worse, to avoid trouble.

Arthur saw a bit of trouble in his three decades at the helm of the left faction of the New South Wales branch of the Australian Labor Party. If you spend a career in the New South Wales left of the ALP, I have noticed, from time to time you find yourself in the minority, even if at a later time people forget what their position was in the past, given that history has proven it wrong. Arthur was always prepared to stand up for the democratic values of the Australian Labor Party and the participation of members and their rights within the party. I know from speaking to Dawn last week that Arthur was very supportive of the change that we made to give rank-and-file members a vote in the leadership of the federal branch of the Australian Labor Party. He would want those rights extended.

Arthur did not worry about where his political position stood in terms of whether it was a majority opinion or a minority opinion. He argued his case, he put it forward and he was always optimistic at the prospect of change. He was a great advocate of the art of persuasion. His objective was nothing less than the advancement of the human condition. He embraced economic prosperity but could not abide growth without fairness and sustainability.

I have often thought that you can tell a lot about the success of a parliamentarian's career by examining their maiden speech. If you compare it to their lived experience in politics, you can get a good idea about their priorities, their ticker and the depth of their conviction. Arthur's maiden speech, which came after he moved to the Senate after his time of 16 years in local government, was partly about urban development. He warned that the gross national product had become 'the new God' and said development was becoming more important than people. Arthur told the Senate:

Every country aims at greater production, greater development, greater profitability—and in so many cases human values are forgotten. We have to recognise that the world is in the midst of its second major ecological upheaval. The whole of humanity, in one way or another, is switching from an agrarian to a highly urbanised society.

…   …   …

Urbanisation is the new phenomenon.

Arthur went on to warn that governments had to craft policies that dealt with this shift, while retaining the nurturing of community and human relationships. That was right then and it is now. Arthur Gietzelt and his colleagues, such as Tom Uren and Bruce Childs, ensured that these issues remained core to the Labor agenda. Arthur would say that is the thing about the Labor Party: we think ahead. We do not just seek office to occupy power; we do something with it. We do not just talk about justice; we craft the policies that make it real. Arthur embodied this reformist spirit, always looking for progress with fairness. When Bob Hawke appointed him as Minister for Veterans' Affairs in 1983 he wasted no time taking advantage of his opportunity. The tribute last Thursday, not just from former Prime Minister Hawke but also from the president of the RSL, was a great tribute to Arthur's contribution as veterans affairs minister.

Informed by his own three-year service in Papua New Guinea, Arthur reformed entitlements and achieved formal recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders' unofficial work patrolling Australia's northern coastline in World War II. All these years later, people such as Jack Ah Kit, the former parliamentarian in the Northern Territory, contacted me before the memorial service to make sure that the gratitude of the first Australians, who had made such a contribution to the defence of our nation, not just in World War II but in each of the struggles where Australian sovereignty has been challenged, is acknowledged.

Arthur also established the Evatt royal commission into Agent Orange in Vietnam. There were messages of support at the memorial service from the Vietnam veterans. This is significant, given that Arthur was a strong opponent of Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War and very active in the moratoriums. Arthur, though, understood that it was vital that you could be an opponent of a foreign policy and defence decision of the Australian government of the time but still be supportive of our troops who were participating in that conflict, at great risk to themselves.

Arthur was, of course, a formidable political organiser, but, for him, this was just the means to achieve political objectives. As he told the National Times in 1976:

My opponents try to paint me as a sinister backroom boy, just a numbers man rather than someone with beliefs.

In fact my beliefs are what make me want to muster the numbers.

It was this perspective that drew many young activists to Arthur. He was a mentor who would take the time to sit down and go through historical analysis with Young Labor activists as they formed their own views. Labor has a strong culture of oral history as well as written history. It is how we pass our values from one generation to the next. It is how we learnt about the Vietnam moratoriums and the struggles of those who led the way.

Arthur set up his Senate office in Caringbah, rather than the CBD of Sydney, because he was dedicated to community engagement and believed that social change had to be driven from the bottom up by the community. Arthur knew that progress was unstoppable, but he told younger party members that achieving progress required community support which they could develop if they showed the courage of their own convictions. One of the lasting memories that I will have of Arthur is his position as an optimist. Throughout a period when, in my view, so much of the progressive left was often captured by both a negative analysis of the present and a romanticism about the past, without acknowledging the progress that has been made, Arthur’s ideological foundation allowed him to retain that faith in human progress. There was no ballot that was not winnable. Progressives should not simply defer to those with more conservative views. He also understood the importance of remaining engaged with those who disagreed with his views, accepting that people of good conscience could hold differing opinions. So he respected his opponents, even though he never tired of attempting to convince them of his position.

This month it is 25 years since Arthur left the Senate, to be replaced ably by Senator John Faulkner. His passing, mourned by even his most strident political opponents, is a great loss for his family, his friends, the Labor Party and the entire community—particularly those of the Sutherland shire. I would like to think, though, that Arthur would still be very proud that his activism over decades provided a great example for others on the progressive side of politics. As could only have happened to a character like Arthur—and he would have been pleased—the wake at the Sutherland District Trade Union Club after the memorial service was also the launch of his book, the first volume of his autobiography, detailing his struggles particularly in local government and in the earlier period of his political life.

Generations of Labor people have been influenced by Arthur to continue to fight what he called 'the good fight'. Today, a new generation is taking up that good fight against some of the reactionary policies and the impact they are having on the community of the current government. Sir Arthur would be very pleased that the battle for prosperity with progress continues with a new generation of Labor activists.

Tanya Plibersek (Sydney, Australian Labor Party, Deputy Leader of the Opposition) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I want to support the comments made by my colleague the member for Grayndler in his very moving tribute today, and also the words that he spoke at the Sutherland Entertainment Centre at the memorial service for Arthur Gietzelt. It was a very moving memorial service, and I am certainly sorry that I missed the wake at the Tradies, because I know that they always put on a very good function there.

I want to start my remarks today by giving my condolences to Arthur's wife, Dawn, and to his children Lee, Dale and Adam, and their families. Dawn and Arthur were a couple who loved each other very much and raised a family together in the Sutherland shire. They supported one another in every possible way. I know that Dawn and Arthur's family will feel his loss very keenly as a husband and a father; as we feel his loss as a political stalwart. Dawn was always Arthur's greatest partner in politics. She was the first person he consulted, his closest confidant and a formidable political force in her own right. I truly want to extend my deepest sympathies to her.

Arthur spent his whole life in service of his country: in military service, in service to his local community in the Sutherland shire, and later on the federal stage as a senator from New South Wales. In all of his involvement in public life, he demonstrated a deeply principled position, and he demonstrated foresight and the ability to think long term about what would be the best for the community that he represented.

Arthur was a councillor on Sutherland Shire Council for 15 years, from 1956 to 1971. He spent nine of these years as shire president, effectively the mayor. I grew up in the Sutherland Shire and—as my husband occasionally says—you can take the girl out of the Shire but you can't take the Shire out of the girl. The place that I grew up in was deeply impacted by the decisions that Arthur Gietzelt made when he led the council. When my parents first bought a block of land in Carvers Road in Oyster Bay, there was an open dump at the bottom of the hill. There was no kerbing, no guttering. There were few public facilities. My dad used to carry his toolbox to the railway station every morning. On the weekends, they were blessed to be able to go to the beach and visit the National Park and so on; but the public amenity of the area was not great in those days. Arthur saw that investment by local government could make the Sutherland Shire a place where ordinary people could enjoy the beauty that surrounded them for free in a way that contributed every day to their quality of life. The investments that he made in those local facilities—the beach facilities that made it possible to go for a swim, and to sit and have a picnic and enjoy the natural surroundings; the sporting fields that meant that the young families who moved to the Sutherland Shire had a place to recreate on the weekends; paved roads; sewerage; street lighting; all of those things that we absolutely take for granted now—were delivered because of the foresight of Arthur.

At the same time, there was always the idea that development should be sensitive and long term and for the benefit of all the residents of the Sutherland Shire, that development should not be just for the short-term profit of local developers. Senator Faulkner spoke at Arthur Gietzelt's memorial about Arthur's time on council and the contribution that his foresight made to the quality of life that residents still enjoy today, a quality of life that has made the Sutherland Shire a very sought-after place to live. As someone who grew up in the shire, I will always be grateful for the vision that he had.

In many ways Arthur Gietzelt was a man ahead of his time. We saw last December an outpouring internationally of grief for Nelson Mandela, who I think is now universally acknowledged as a great man and a great leader and a great champion of peace. But people forget that support for an end to the apartheid regime in South Africa was not always bipartisan and that at one time it was very controversial. Indeed, support for Nelson Mandela was very controversial. Arthur Gietzelt always knew the right side of the argument to be on when it came to ending apartheid. After Nelson Mandela's death people spoke about the way the international community engaged in sanctions against South Africa and the impact that had had on bringing an end to the apartheid regime. But the decision to engage in the sanctions against South Africa was extremely controversial at the time. I am proud to point out that it was in fact Sutherland Shire, with Arthur as councillor, which became the first Australian government body to ban competitors from apartheid South Africa that were selected on a racial basis from a national sporting event, in this case the Cronulla Surf Lifesaving Carnival. He suffered greatly for that principled decision at the time. Indeed, I should mention at this stage that in the mists of history we forget about how pitched some of these battles were. Arthur's home was bombed and he was a target of a great deal of threat and animosity.

Before his time as a councillor and as a parliamentarian, a senator, Arthur served his country with distinction between 1941 and 1945 in the Second World War. He served in New Guinea for nearly two years. Alongside his brother, Ray, his company helped build a track over the Owen Stanley Range. I think that it is very important for people to remember Arthur's war service because it was a defining part of his character, as it was defining part of the character of a generation of men who fought at that time and went on to play a role in public life, people like Tom Uren, and others. Bruce Childs also did war service.

I think that those people who have seen fit to question Arthur's loyalty in some way really need to think very hard about the things they are saying about a man who spent years working in the mud in malaria-infested forests, and with the sweat of his body built a road through a most inhospitable landscape to create a secure supply line to the front, a track which was all that separated Australia from invasion at that time. As I say, there have been people who have questioned Arthur's politics and I think that, taking into account not just his war service but the fact that he has been on the right side of many of the great historic battles of the 20th century, might be instructive for those people. Arthur was a staunch opponent of the fascist takeover of Spain, of the Italian invasion of Abyssinia, of the appeasement of Hitler and of the sale of pig iron to Japan. In all of these positions and in his early opposition to apartheid, I think that people can see that despite the criticism of Arthur at the time, history has proved him right in each of these conflicts.

As someone who had seen the difficulties and horrors of war firsthand, he went on to become a vehement opponent of the Vietnam War and an effective organiser of the moratorium marches. His opposition to the Vietnam War meant that when he became veterans' affairs minister in the Hawke government some of the veterans groups—including, in particular, the Vietnam veterans—were worried that they would not have a strong advocate in Arthur. They very quickly changed their minds. As the member for Grayndler said, the fact that Arthur opposed the war did not mean that he opposed the soldiers who were sent there by their government and who responded to the call from their government.

Arthur became a notable Minister for Veterans' Affairs. Bob Hawke pointed out that Arthur was such a committed advocate for veterans that, when there was talk of a ministerial reshuffle, it was the veterans groups that contacted him, saying, 'Whatever you do, don't move Arthur Gietzelt; we love him.' Indeed, it was the veterans groups that lobbied Prime Minister Hawke to keep Arthur in the portfolio.

In his time as minister, Arthur Gietzelt introduced a number of key reforms that Minister Ronaldson very generously spoke about in his statement after Arthur's death: he extended pensions and medical entitlements to veterans and their dependents; he played an integral role in the implementation of a major construction and re-equipment program in repatriation hospitals; and he introduced an in-home care scheme for veterans so that they could spend longer in their own homes as they got older. The member for Grayndler also mentioned the investigation into Agent Orange. When we went to Arthur's memorial service last week, John Schumann was there and played that notable song I was only 19. John Schumann spoke about the continuing affection that Vietnam veterans have for Arthur Gietzelt.

As I have said, Arthur has been on the right side of many of the great battles of history. There were many times that he was ahead of the pack and he suffered for it. In 1976, he served on the Tribunal on Homosexuals and Discrimination. Over his decades of public life, he has consistently raised issues about quality of life for women and protection of our natural environment. For this service to the nation, in 1992 he was awarded an Order of Australia.

Arthur's life was long and his life was rich. He was a loyal Australian and a generous and committed Labor man, and at every time in his political career he sought to make this country a better place. He was deeply honourable, he was hardworking, he was decent and he was serious-minded. We will miss him and I know that his family and in particular his wife, Dawn, will miss him a great deal too.

Pat Conroy (Charlton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I am very proud to join my parliamentary colleagues in paying tribute to a true giant of Australian politics, the labour movement and the Labor Party—Arthur Gietzelt AO. Firstly, may I associate myself with the fine remarks of the members for Grayndler and Sydney, who covered every important point of Arthur's tremendous contribution. I was particularly taken by the member of Grayndler's contribution about Arthur fighting the good fight and never letting go and also winning those good fights, which is very important. I think the member for Sydney's point about Arthur being on the right side of history should also never be forgotten in this place.

Arthur's service to Australia and the Labor Party has been acknowledged since his passing. He served in the Army in New Guinea during World War II, he served in local government on the Sutherland Shire Council for 15 years and he served in the Australian Senate for nearly two decades—during this period, he was Minister for Veterans' Affairs in the Hawke government.

Arthur, like many of his generation, was shaped by the Great Depression. He was a fine example of a policymaker who fought for an economy which served the needs of the people rather than one where the people served the needs of the economy. I think that this is a lesson that we all need to hold on to. Arthur was a leading activist in the Australian Labor Party at a time of great internal upheaval, during the 1950s and 1960s. I think it is very important to note that, without his important contribution to the ALP's Combined Branches' and Unions' Steering Committee, the Labor Party would be a very different party today. Arthur was instrumental in defeating the industrial groups led by BA Santamaria, and the steering committee was crucial to ensuring that the trade union movement and the Labor Party remained progressive forces for good rather than puppets for groups with very different agendas. He was definitely on the right side of history in that debate. It was during his time on the Sutherland Shire Council that Arthur demonstrated his passion for equality and sustainability. The members for Grayndler and Sydney have illustrated this point very, very deeply.

We were debating a condolence motion for Nelson Mandela late last year in this place. The member for Sydney made the point that Arthur led the response to apartheid. His council was the first government body to impose sanctions to fight the practice of racially selecting competitors in surf-lifesaving. It was tremendously controversial. Arthur was called many names and suffered one of the few acts of political terrorism in this country, when his house was blown up. We should never forget the fact that Arthur kept fighting after this gross act of intimidation.

As shire president, Arthur successfully protected the Towra Point wetlands from development. This is one of the many examples of his deep commitment to sustainability. Arthur also developed some very innovative methods for financing council development. The member for Sydney commented on enjoying those amenities growing up in the shire. It is incredible to think that Arthur pioneered developments such as when the council established a land projects committee to develop land and then sell it. The projects gained revenue to develop the wonderful amenities the shire enjoys today such as pools, sporting fields, libraries and childcare centres. It is true to say that Arthur's legacy in the Sutherland shire is there for all people to see in bricks and mortar and open playing fields.

When Arthur entered the Senate, he joined with another champion of the left and World War II veteran, Tom Uren, to pursue a very progressive agenda. They were joined by another in Bruce Childs. They represented a very formidable trio within the Labor caucus of progressive voices—voices that lived through the Depression and through World War II, which gave them such power and legitimacy. After the election of the Hawke government, Arthur became Minister for Veterans' Affairs. I want to acknowledge Arthur's service on behalf of the many wonderful veterans groups in the electorate of Charlton, particularly the very strong Vietnam veterans community, who have talked to me about their gratitude for Arthur's contribution as Minister for Veterans' Affairs.

Among his many achievements that have been recognised include introducing home care for veterans, formally recognising the role of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders' work in patrolling northern Australia's coast during World War II, and establishing the Evatt royal commission into Agent Orange during Vietnam. As the members for Grayndler and Sydney commented, you can be opposed to a war but be very committed to honouring the sacrifice of those who fought in that war and ensuring that the returning veterans are looked after. There is no greater example of this than Arthur Gietzelt. Former Prime Minister Bob Hawke described Arthur as the best veterans affairs minister in Australian history. I think that is a view that a lot of us share.

Arthur was a leader of the left in the Australian Labor Party over a significant period of time. Those of us who share his values and beliefs pay tribute to his legacy and pledge to continue to be a voice for social justice, equity and fairness in the Labor Party, the Australian parliament and beyond. Arthur's legacy truly is one of being on the right side of history, of fighting the good fight and of being a great mentor for activists. His passing is, indeed, a great and sad occasion for the parliament of Australia.

Laurie Ferguson (Werriwa, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The Gietzelt family—Arthur, Ray and the broader family—represent the great success of migration in this country. He was born in San Francisco in 1920, the family having earlier been to Australia. Ironically, this is one year before another great Czechoslovakian was born. Alexander Dubcek was born in 1921, his family having fled to America earlier for political reasons. Their histories in a sense were fated to cross. Arthur played a very significant role in the broader left in this country by strongly denouncing the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which overthrew Dubceck.

Arthur was very much a product of his upbringing. Whilst his family might not have been as deprived as many others, their small business collapsed and in the Depression he was to see the huge unemployment lines in this country, people being given very minimal amounts of money and actually having to collect food on a weekly basis, depending on public works whenever they were available. He was also very much a person of the period of the Spanish Civil War at a time when BA Santamaria, the lodestone, the philosophical inspiration of some people in this House, was supporting the Franco overthrow of the Spanish Republican government and Franco's complicity with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in the lead-up to the Second World War. That was when the Germans tried out their aerial bombardments on urban areas and utilised tank strategies that were later used against Australia and other allies during the Second World War. Arthur was formed by that need to take on the international advent of fascism.

Arthur, of course, became very involved in Labor Party affairs and the series of Labor parties that stood up against Lang in the late 30s and early 40s. As many speakers have mentioned, he was later in alliance with the Australian Workers Union and other elements who at first cooperated with the infiltration of the Labor Party by extremist elements around the industrial groups but who then found themselves the next victims. From there, he went on to form the broad left steering committee grouping.

I became involved in the Labor Party in 1967 with a group of people in the early 70s who took over Young Labor and became involved in the steering committee. It is very gender biased in a way, but I think of Rodney Cavalier, John Faulkner, John Overall, Jeff Shaw, Peter Crawford, Peter Baldwin, Sandra Nori, John Whitehouse and Pam Allan. Those people were very much welcomed by Arthur. It was not characteristic of those generations to actually welcome younger people, involve them, give them responsibility and listen to their point of view. It was typical of Arthur's influence, and I guess the era that we were dealing with, that three people I can think of—Greg Barder, Peter Crawford and John Overall—gave up university et cetera and went into the workforce to work in the shop industry to try to take over the union. It was at Arthur's instigation. That was the kind of influence he had. It was our belief that the shop assistants union was too compliant and too controlled by employers.

I do not want to go through the areas that other speakers have traversed. Obviously there was Arthur's massive contribution to the veterans' affairs in this country. But if you look at the broad range of issues that he was involved with, he was very much before his time. He was involved in women's issues long before many others in the Labor movement were. He has been mentioned with regard to homosexual reform.

I want to particularly stress the anti-war movement and Indochina. People forget that the New South Wales branch of the Labor Party supported the war and tried to prescribe the Association for International Co-operation and Disarmament which eventually became the moratorium. They tried to expel from the party anybody remotely part of that organisation. It was a massive struggle to overcome that and eventually change the policies of the Labor Party under the leadership of Cairns and to change Australian public opinion. Arthur played a big role in that.

On the question of urban development, we talk about Gough Whitlam, but at a local level Arthur was providing the same delivery mechanisms in Sutherland. On anti-apartheid, we forget that many people on the other side of politics were not quite as good as Malcolm Fraser on these issues. There were huge fights in the coalition about resistance to apartheid. They agreed with Margaret Thatcher, 'Let's be nice to them and they will change.' Arthur played a legendary role in that issue. In the Labor Party, he was an unremitting campaigner for democratisation of the party and played a seminal role in the 1970s intervention in the Labor Party, which did accomplish a few things in regard to democratisation. He always wanted the rank and file to have control of the selection of candidates. He was unrelenting in those efforts. I also note comments, particularly by Senator John Faulkner, that Arthur was boundlessly optimistic. No matter how defeated the left were, no matter how poor the vote was, he would see these possibilities—somebody was seen talking to somebody in the Transport Workers Union; somebody was not talking to somebody at head office. Whatever the dire situation in the New South Wales Left, we were basically going to go ahead and win through. Arthur was endless in his optimism. It was quite surprising. When you connect that, as Senator Faulkner did, with the kind of degree of wariness about talking on the phone, it is quite strange that he was so optimistic at the same time as thinking his phone was being tapped all the time!

One of the things people referred to at the funeral was the bombing of his house. I did not appreciate at the time just how close that was to causing the death of the family. If you see the photographs from the time, it was a very serious attempt to kill him.

As people have said, at some stages he played a very major role in progressive politics in New South Wales and the accession of Neville Wran. People have tried to rewrite history and say that John Ducker and the New South Wales Right were the geniuses who put Neville Wran in power. In actual fact it was the New South Wales Left and a few mavericks such as Breretonwho actually got the numbers for Neville Wran. It was against the New South Wales Right that Neville Wran became Premier and brought in that period of both electoral success and progressive politics in New South Wales. And, of course, as we have heard on many occasions, his brother, Ray, played a decisive role in the elevation of Bob Hawke both to the ACTU and thereby to the prime ministership of this country.

I want to also note his family—Dawn, Lee, Dale and Adam. Dawn herself was very politically active. I happened to walk into the Sydney Museum of Crime and Justice, down near Circular Quay, and on the wall was an interview with Dawn and Arthur Gietzelt. The display was about the Depression and policing of public dissent and protest. I saw Dawn being interviewed and she talked about herself as a child at Parramatta after the council banned all public meetings—any public meeting whatsoever was banned in Parramatta. She talked of being a child and watching this person run around on top of a building at Parramatta. There is a statue of a horse there—no-one ever notices it—and the person was chained to the statue and then was eventually chased around the top of the building by the police. I knew that that was my grandfather and I rang her up to ask her to clarify whether that was my grandfather, Jock, who was in the Communist Party at that time—my father used to say, in his usual cynical fashion, that he was into the Communist Party because it was the best racket going at the time. But that was a symbol of Dawn: she was there as a child. Her family were involved in politics et cetera.

I want to mention one thing that was very moving. The last time I met Arthur was at a social event we just happened to be at, at his comrade and friend Bruce Child's home. I had not agreed with Arthur on everything over the last decade or so, but he actually physically ran from the function to grab me as I left. I had endured a rather bizarre redistribution—people should actually look at this—where the seat of Reid was abolished in name and then magically, after I was not able to contest three preselections, restored after that. There was conjecture about needing a seat. Arthur rushed to say, 'Look, Laurie, I know you won't believe this but I really hope you get a seat out there at Werriwa.' So I want to put on record Arthur's leadership role in the New South Wales Left but also his more broad struggle on behalf of so many people, on so many broad and national issues, and in regards to domestic policies.

Finally, because a particular person was thwarted in his rather delusional ambitions to be a councillor in Sutherland, we have seen Arthur attacked by a journalist in the Australianover the last few months because of the alleged reports of some paid informer. I want to say that my memories of Arthur are his trenchant opposition to both to the invasion of Czechoslovakia, but also the invasion of Afghanistan when he had to drag some Neanderthals in the New South Wales Left to taking that position against the war. Arthur Gietzelt had a fine parliamentary career—and, more importantly to me, a fine tradition inside the Labor Party in fighting for rank-and-file democracy.

As a mark of respect to the memory of the deceased all Members present stood, in silence.

Christian Porter (Pearce, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I thank the Federation Chamber.

Michael Sukkar (Deakin, Liberal Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

by leave—I move:

That further proceedings be conducted in the House.

Question agreed to.