Adam Bandt (Melbourne, Australian Greens) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I move:

That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent the Member for Melbourne from moving the following motion immediately—That the House:

(1) notes that since the House resolution of 16 October 2023 concerning Israel and Gaza, which supported the State of Israel's looming invasion of Gaza by stating that the House 'stands with Israel', the following have occurred:

(a) an appalling and increasing toll of deaths and injuries caused by the State of Israel's bombing and invasion of Gaza;

(b) a growing humanitarian catastrophe caused by the State of Israel's blockade, bombing and invasion of Gaza; and

(c) the State of Israel is the subject of recent International Court of Justice orders in South Africa's case regarding the prevention of genocide; and therefore

(2) does not support the State of Israel's continued invasion of Gaza and calls for an immediate and permanent ceasefire; and

(3) calls on the Australian Government to end its support for the State of Israel's invasion of Gaza.

Parliament must stop backing stop backing the invasion of Gaza. Labor must stop backing the invasion of Gaza and help stop a genocide. Nothing could be more urgent than helping to stop slaughter. In Gaza, about 250 civilians are killed every day, 600 are wounded and about 4,000 homes of civilians are being destroyed. Every day matters. Twenty-seven thousand people have been killed, many of them children. Meanwhile, the standing position of this parliament and this government is to back the invasion. As the International Court of Justice has noted, 'Gaza has become a place of death and despair. Tens of thousands of people, mostly women and children, have been killed or injured. Families are sleeping in the open as temperatures plummet. Areas where civilians were told to relocate for their safety have come under bombardment. Medical facilities are under relentless attack. The few hospitals that are partially functional are overwhelmed with trauma cases, critically short of all supplies, and inundated by desperate people seeking safety. A public health disaster is unfolding. Infectious diseases are spreading in overcrowded shelters as sewers spill over. Some 180 Palestinian women are giving birth daily amidst this chaos. People are facing the highest levels of food insecurity ever recorded. Famine is around the corner. For children in particular, the past 12 weeks have been traumatic: No food. No water. No school. Nothing but the terrifying sounds of war, day in and day out. Gaza has simply become uninhabitable. Its people are witnessing daily threats to their very existence—while the world watches on.

The International Court of Justice went on to say that there has been the largest displacement of the Palestinian people since 1948. It is vital that we act today—that standing and sessional orders be suspended and that this parliament reverses its position in support of the invasion, because people are dying and the situation is getting worse by the hour. As the International Court of Justice went on to note:

We are facing a severe risk of collapse of the humanitarian system.

They noted:

… that 15 per cent of the women giving birth in the Gaza Strip are likely to experience complications, and indicates that maternal and newborn death rates are expected to increase due to the lack of access to medical care.

Every moment matters.

When the Labor Party brought a motion to parliament, on the eve of a looming invasion, to say that they backed the invasion, we opposed it. We opposed it because—and we made the point at the time—when you sanction an invasion of an area half the size of Canberra, where 2.2 million people, 40 per cent of whom are under 15, are walled in with nowhere to go, then you unleash a humanitarian catastrophe. Sadly, that is what we have seen day after day.

And if the facts aren't enough for Labor to change its mind, then listen to the International Court of Justice because they have concluded that there is a plausible case of genocide here. Why is it that they have concluded that? They based their decision, in part, on statements from the Israeli government itself, the ones who are conducting the invasion, including statements from the defence minister who said: 'I have released all restraints. We are fighting human animals … we will eliminate everything.' The president of Israel went on to say, and this is in the International Court of Justice decision:

It's an entire nation out there that is responsible. It's not true this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved. It is absolutely not true.

That is then why the Israeli Minister of Energy and Infrastructure also went on to say:

All the civilian population in Gaza is ordered to leave immediately … They will not receive a drop of water or a single battery until they leave the world.

This is why the International Court of Justice are taking this extremely significant step now to place orders on the Israeli war cabinet not to take acts that could amount to a genocide.

What the world does now matters. What the parliament does now matters. What Labor does now matters. International pressure is what will bring about compliance with the International Court of Justice's decision; it's what will stop the invasion and it's what will lead us to a permanent ceasefire. When the International Court of Justice has put a government under orders to stop a genocide, this parliament cannot keep backing that state's invasion. This parliament must, at that time, act. We need the full and immediate release of hostages, and we all condemn the attacks on civilians. But we also need a full and permanent ceasefire and we need an end to the occupation, because that is how the people of Palestine and Israel will be entitled to live in justice, peace and security in the lasting way that everyone is entitled to, not only as a matter of morality but as a matter of international law.

But this vote is about whether or not the parliament continues to back the invasion. This is an opportunity for every parliamentarian who has watched the slaughter unfold, who has listened to the International Court of Justice deliver its deliberation and who has seen, in response to the International Court of Justice, one of the ministers of government of Israel tweeting 'Hauge schmague' in response to the decision. Other ministers, after the International Court of Justice decision, attended a conference that talked about the full displacement of all Palestinians out of Gaza. And Prime Minister Netanyahu said 'Well, everyone's entitled to their opinion.'

The facts are clear. And if you don't want to listen to the facts, then listen to the International Court of Justice. If that is not persuasive, then ask yourself, 'How is it fair that children are being slaughtered in their thousands, because of a so-called right to self-defence?' This has moved beyond self-defence. This is now a slaughter. Around the world, other countries are changing their position. We have seen the majority of the world's countries call for a permanent ceasefire, a full and permanent ceasefire. This parliament must now add itself to that list of countries that doesn't put conditions on it, that doesn't have weasel words but that says, 'Enough of the slaughter.' We want to see Palestinians and Israelis living in equal justice, peace and security. We must have a full and permanent ceasefire and we must have an end to the invasion. This is an opportunity for everyone in this House to say, 'Enough is enough', declare where they stand, and stand for peace and justice and an end to the slaughter.

Elizabeth Watson-Brown (Ryan, Australian Greens) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I second the motion. Before I finish speaking this morning, another child in Gaza will have been killed. That is the urgency of this motion, why it must be passed as soon as possible and why we need to suspend standing orders to do so. This parliament must, must, rescind its of the ongoing genocidal invasion of Gaza. Israel's actions, which this parliament has endorsed without our support, have led to the death of thousands upon thousands of innocent children, of teachers, of nurses, of journalists, of pregnant mothers and babies, almost 28,000 people in total. Over a million are displaced from their homes and are starving in unimaginably appalling conditions in camps that are also flooding, with one toilet for every 500 people and one shower for every 2,000 people.

I'll quote from a recent Guardian article:

Babies are born on the ground in the wilderness, umbilical cords cut with whatever sharp object there is to hand, and tins filled with hot water keep the newborn warm. C-sections, painful in the aftermath even when drugs are plentiful, are being performed without any anaesthesia at all, by surgeons who do not have any water to wash their hands, let alone sterilise them, and no antibiotics for any resulting infections.

There are humanitarian agencies there trying, against all the odds, to prevent the deaths and improve the conditions on the ground, and one of the largest has just had their funding suspended by this government. The government responded with sickening speed to these allegations, apparently without evidence, and deprived two million Palestinians of help that they desperately need yet, despite the mountains of evidence, including what was presented to the ICJ—the explicit genocidal language used by Israeli officials repeatedly and proudly—Labor has not withdrawn support for Israel nor called for a permanent ceasefire, nor supported South Africa's heroic actions in the International Court of Justice, nor committed to ending military exports to Israel. What possible explanation could there be for this? Does this government just not value Palestinian lives?

In the Senate yesterday, the foreign minister had the gall, the nerve, to say that the government has taken a constructive approach to this conflict. What a sick joke. The needs of the people in Gaza, the need for basic supplies to stay alive, for a roof over their head, has not suspended in Gaza. This government must restore funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency and uphold Australia's obligation under international law to prevent genocide. This again is why this motion is so urgent, and it needs to be considered immediately.

The only way we will stop this carnage and stop the horror is through international pressure. Australia has a big role to play and a huge responsibility. Labor is sitting on its hands while this genocide unfolds and Labor will be judged harshly by history for this cowardice.

As I speak today, as parliament continues to sit today, more Palestinians in Gaza, around half of whom are children, will be killed. This is the urgency of this situation. This parliament must correct this mistake. It must not continue to support Israel's genocidal actions in Gaza.

Tim Watts (Gellibrand, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

In the wake of Hamas's appalling terrorist attacks of 7 October, the Albanese government has taken a principled and consistent approach to the conflict in the Middle East and the way it rebounds in our community at home. We've had five priorities in this conflict: to keep our country united; to assist Australians abroad; to work with countries that have influence in the region to help protect and support civilians; to help prevent this conflict from spreading in the region; and to reinforce the need for a just and enduring peace. We understand that Australia is not a central player in this conflict, but we do have a respected voice and we've used it with countries who have influence in the region to pursue our objectives.

Both the foreign minister and I have travelled to the region to advance our principled position with parties in Israel, in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, in Jordan, in Qatar and in Egypt. We've directly engaged government officials, UN aid agencies, community and civil groups, and NGOs to try to further and realise our objectives.

From the outset of this conflict we've been consistent in the way that we've used our voice in saying that Israel does have a right to defend itself against these appalling terrorist attacks but that the way that Israel exercises that right matters and that Israel must respect international law. We've been consistent in calling on Israel to honour its commitment to uphold international law and protect innocent lives and to conduct its military operations lawfully. We've consistently set out our view that international humanitarian law requires the application of principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution in military operations, that international law requires that states distinguish between lawful military targets and civilians, that international law requires that a state's use of force must always be proportionate and that international law means that, in conducting military operations, states must exercise constant care and take all feasible precautions to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure from harm.

We've said that we understand that Hamas has buried into civilian infrastructure, but that does not obviate the requirement to observe international law. As a strong demonstration of our commitment to international law and respect for international institutions, we've been clear in responding to the International Court of Justice's interim decision on the conflict. We've made plain our expectation that Israel act in accordance with the ICJ's ruling, including to enable the provision of basic services and humanitarian assistance.

The world has witnessed a harrowing number of civilian deaths in this conflict, including children. We have reports from the UN that 400,000 Palestinians in Gaza are starving and that a million are at risk of starvation. There are an estimated 1.7 million people in Gaza internally displaced, and there are increasingly few safe places for Palestinians to go. This must not continue.

The motion before the House is absolutely correct in citing the appalling death toll of this conflict and the increasing scale of humanitarian suffering, but we cannot forget, as this motion does, that more than 130 hostages are still being held by Hamas, nor can we forget the murder, the rapes and the sexual abuse of 7 October conducted by Hamas, as this motion does. The Australian government has consistently called for the immediate return of all hostages held by Hamas and the end of Hamas rocket attacks on Israel.

The unimaginable human suffering being experienced in the region is why Australia is part of the international diplomatic efforts supporting an immediate humanitarian ceasefire to enable increased aid to flow and hostages to be released. That's why we joined with 152 other countries at the United Nations to vote for a humanitarian ceasefire as a critical, urgent step on the path to a permanent ceasefire. Like any ceasefire, it can't be one-sided. We've made it clear that such a ceasefire would require Hamas to return hostages, to stop using Palestinians as human shields and to cease rocket attacks on Israel.

In the meantime, Australia has continued to work with international partners to ensure that desperately needed food, fuel, sanitation and medical supplies reach those in need in Gaza. We've consistently worked with countries who have influence in the region to call for safe, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access, and we've committed $46.5 million in humanitarian assistance to the region since the 7 October attacks. Of this total amount, $6 million of our humanitarian response funding was allocated to UNRWA, with the remainder being provided to other major trusted humanitarian organisations, including the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, UNICEF, the UN Population Fund and the UN Office for Project Services. This is on top of the more than $30 million in annual development assistance that Australia provides to Palestinians, including $20.6 million in core funding for UNRWA, which was dispersed in 2023—twice the amount committed by the previous government.

We need to recognise two things with respect to UNRWA. First, it does vital life-saving work, and no organisation has the mandate or logistical infrastructure to provide the services it does. Second, we also need to recognise that the recent allegations against its staff are grave and need to be urgently investigated. Australia welcomed UNRWA's swift response to those allegations, including terminating staff and launching an investigation, as well as its recent announcement that former French foreign minister Colonna will chair a full independent review of UNRWA. We're now working with a number of countries in the same position as us. We want to provide urgent humanitarian aid to people in Gaza, and collectively we're making clear to UNRWA that it needs to demonstrate strong, transparent and accountable leadership for the international community to move forward together.

Importantly, through this conflict the Albanese government has always highlighted the need for an enduring negotiated settlement to this conflict where Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side within recognised borders and with peace and security, and this has never been so urgent. This is why I've called out obstacles to peace, including the settlement activity in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We've called out increasing settler violence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and the need to hold those responsible accountable. We've made clear there can be no enduring Israeli presence after the conflict and no diminution of territory in Gaza. We've made it clear that we support Palestinian aspirations for statehood as part of a negotiated settlement because neither side will be able to realise their aspirations to live in peace and prosperity without the other side's being realised.

We've taken a principled and consistent approach throughout this conflict, and regrettably this stands in stark contrast to the approach of the Greens and the opposition. All too often those opposite have shown that their priority on this issue is not good-faith engagement—on one of the most complex emotive issues around the globe. Instead it's to play domestic politics, to seek to divide our community for political gain, to never let the truth get in the way of a campaigning opportunity, to use more and more extreme rhetoric designed to inflame opinions and demand that the government does the same, and to perpetuate misinformation to stoke outrage.

Time and time again, this government has had to clean up misinformation spread by the Greens and the opposition. I reiterate what the government has already made very clear: Australia has not provided weapons to Israel since the conflict began or for the last five years. Australia has a stringent export control framework which is designed to ensure our military and dual-use items are used responsibly outside of Australia. Similarly, the foreign minister has been accused of breaching Australian law over UNRWA funding—the kind of ridiculous claim that has become all too characteristic of this Leader of the Opposition.

This kind of misinformation has consequences for our community. It spurs people into more and more extreme rhetoric and to take more and more extreme action. In my own home town we've seen places of worship disrupted on the basis of misinformation and the disturbing targeting of people on the basis of their religion and family associations. The Albanese government won't play politics with this issue. We understand the importance of taking a principled approach to this conflict, not just because it's the best way to navigate this incredibly serious and complex issue in the Middle East but also because it's the best way to maintain social cohesion at home.

As leaders in this place, we need to recognise the complex and conflicting feelings of Australians on these issues and we need to encourage Australians to engage with each other with empathy, not contempt; to be curious about different perspectives of fellow Australians, not judgemental; and to recognise the complex feelings of the overwhelming majority of Australians on these difficult issues. Everyone deserves better than motions like this in this place that seek to divide rather than unite, that seek to find difference rather than common ground and that play domestic politics rather than look for solutions. Israelis deserve better, Palestinians deserve better and Australians deserve better.

Peter Dutton (Dickson, Liberal Party, Leader of the Opposition) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

This is a disgraceful motion moved by the Greens political party, and it needs to be pointed out for the record that this motion is not only one sided; it ignores what actually caused this war. It fails to even mention Hamas, a listed terrorist organisation. It fails to mention the fact that there are still hostages held, including children. It fails to mention the fact that Hamas, its leaders, its operatives and its supporters in Hezbollah, Iran, Yemen and elsewhere continue to call for repeats of the 7 October attacks. It shows the antisemitic approach of the Greens political party. It is an appalling situation, and where is the Prime Minister? Why is the Prime Minister not here condemning this motion?

Steve Georganas (Adelaide, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The Leader of the Opposition will resume his seat. The member for Melbourne.

Adam Bandt (Melbourne, Australian Greens) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

That is an unparliamentary term and it should be withdrawn.

Steve Georganas (Adelaide, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The Leader of the Opposition in continuation.

Peter Dutton (Dickson, Liberal Party, Leader of the Opposition) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The fact is that the Prime Minister of our country should be standing here and showing strength of leadership in support of the Jewish community here in Australia against this appalling motion, and yet at the next election the Prime Minister will take the Greens preferences. There will be a deal between the Labor Party and the Greens party to swap preferences to win the election.

Now, we need to point out that the Greens—and they're not ashamed of it—have shown antisemitic conduct at a state level and here in the federal parliament on a daily basis. It hasn't been called out by the Labor Party, because the Labor Party's trying to walk both sides of the street. I can assure the Australian public that our coalition will stand shoulder to shoulder with people of the Jewish community in this country to make sure that we stand up against the attacks, to recognise that people are living in fear and to recognise the reality that there are further security services, this very day, being applied to Jewish schools, to places of worship and to other places of gathering.

Steve Georganas (Adelaide, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The time allotted for this debate has expired.

A division having been called and the bells being rung—

Honourable members interjecting—

Milton Dick (Speaker) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Order! I ask members to cease interjecting while the division is in progress.

Honourable members interjecting—

I asked members to cease interjecting while the division is in progress. The question is that the motion moved by the member for Melbourne be agreed to.

Bob Katter (Kennedy, Katter's Australian Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I move for a suspension of standing orders to debate the matter raised by the leader of the Greens. I obviously disagree with his point of view, of course. I move for a suspension of standing orders to bring forward that debate immediately.

Milton Dick (Speaker) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The member is moving the motion. Is it in writing?

Bob Katter (Kennedy, Katter's Australian Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

No, I haven't had time to put it in writing. We Cloncurry boys don't read or write too good either.

Milton Dick (Speaker) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I can appreciate the member's passion and I can appreciate his interest in this issue, but, under the standing orders, all motions must be in writing. If the member wishes to move a suspension, he can do so by handwriting. Otherwise, we may have to move on to other items of business.