Richard Colbeck (Tasmania, Liberal Party, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance and Administration) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I commend the Australia-Japan Foundation (Repeal and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2006 to the Senate.

Linda Kirk (SA, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I seek leave to incorporate the speech of Senator Hutchins.

Leave granted.

Steve Hutchins (NSW, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The incorporated speech read as follows—

On Tuesday, August 8, I was invited to the Biennial Sir Alan Westerman Lecture on Australian Trade Policy.

The lecture was delivered by the Deputy Prime Minister, Mark Vaile at the Department of Foreign Affairs complex here in Canberra. I was the only opposition MP to attend, maybe because I was the only one invited.

The substance of the speech was a discourse on the current government’s trade policy and some difficulties confronting international trade.

This lecture is named after a pioneering Australian public servant, Sir Alan Westerman.

The Deputy Prime Minister commenced his speech with, “Ladies and Gentlemen, I want to take you back to 1955.”

Now, the Coalition is probably more comfortable dealing with the 1950s, particularly the Prime Minister, but as the Deputy Prime Minister went on to outline this significant period for Australian trade policy, he also spoke about a very important time for Australia’s relationship with Japan and the Japanese people.

Sir Alan and Mr Ushiba commenced negotiation on what was to become the Australia-Japan commerce agreement, which eventually led to the Australia-Japan Treaty.

This was a major step in our relationship with Japan. It was not without its perceived risks to the then government from manufacturers and unions concerned about cheap imports and job losses.

It was just 10 years after the end of World War II, and memories were still quite raw from the wartime aggression of Japan in the Asia-Pacific.

I preface my remarks this way because I think that just as the Deputy Prime Minister took us back to 1955, I want to give support to this Bill and make some observations on our relationships since that important year: how important it has been to us in the past and how important it will continue to be for us going into the future, and I speak not only in economic, cultural or industrial terms, but also in terms of one of the most crucial regional issues, and that is security.

In 1955, the decade-old state of West Germany joined NATO. That meant that Germany remilitarized, rearmed.

I point this out because it is time that Japan’s role in security not only in our region but in the wider world is recognised and encouraged.

Japan’s Self Defence Force is currently restricted to purely territorial defence, but this role does not reflect the nature of conflict in today’s world.

This restriction is included in Japan’s Pacifist Constitution. The clause was appropriate during the period of economic reconstruction, and indeed facilitated the process of its recovery. However, it is now outdated and unnecessarily constrains Japan’s participation in regional and global security. Under Article 9 of its constitution, however, it cannot deploy in a war zone to settle an international dispute, and nor can it have a standing army, navy or air force.

The role of the Japanese SDF has evolved over the past 60 years from a role providing relief and welfare to being an active member in international peacekeeping and disaster relief.

Since the enactment of the International Peace Cooperation Law in 1992, Japan has participated in peace keeping and humanitarian relief operations in Cambodia, Mozambique, Zaire and the Golan Heights.

More recently, its participation in Afghanistan and Iraq has shown it is willing and able to take on a greater responsibility. An expansion of Japan’s SDF would allow it do so.

There is a stark imbalance between Japan’s economic capability and its contribution to international affairs. It has the capacity to become a regional leader in security, and this is something that should be further encouraged.

It already has the fourth-highest military budget in the world, and its SDF maintains land, sea and air divisions that are very well-equipped and highly-trained.

Japan is the key to bringing balance to the North East Asian region. It is becoming increasingly volatile, with North Korea’s belligerence growing and China’s spending on military increasing by double digits for the last 14 years, let alone what both countries are doing to their own citizens.

North Korea is blatantly working towards an advanced missile system, and China has stepped up naval activity near Japanese territorial waters.

The potential for the region to descend into conflict has been a long-held fear of the international community, particularly in regards to the historic tension over the Taiwan Straits.

There have been fears of a resurgent militaristic Japan if it decides to become more proactive on the international stage.

I think these fears are unwarranted in today’s climate. There have been growing calls for Japan to become a ‘normal’ country that meets its international responsibilities as a major economic power. It can do that without forgoing the pacifist social and legal norms it has adopted since the end of World War II, and has indeed proven its commitment to the ideals of peace consistently in the last 61 years.

Australia’s relationship with Japan has thus far been based largely on our very successful trade, but our two countries will no doubt look to each other as very important partners, along with the United States, in regional security.

I make these observations because I think it is important to acknowledge the role Japan has played in security, but also to encourage it to deepen this role in its partnership with regional allies like Australia.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a second time.